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Tuesday, August 31, 2010
ΚΡΙΣΙΜΟ ΔΗΜΟΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ ΓΙΑ ΤΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟ ΜΕΛΛΟΝ ΤΟΥ ΕΡΝΤΟΓΑΝ
ΚΡΙΣΙΜΟ ΔΗΜΟΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ ΓΙΑ ΤΟ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟ ΜΕΛΛΟΝ ΤΟΥ ΕΡΝΤΟΓΑΝ
Του Νίκου Στέλγια
Καθημερινή 29-8-2010
Όλα ξεκίνησαν τον περασμένο Δεκέμβριο, όταν το Συνταγματικό Δικαστήριο της Τουρκίας απαγόρευσε την λειτουργία του Κόμματος Δημοκρατικής Κοινωνίας (ΚΔΚ), με το πρόσχημα ότι διατηρούσε στενές σχέσεις με το ΠΚΚ. Τότε, τα υψηλόβαθμα στελέχη του κυβερνώντος Κόμματος Δικαιοσύνης και Ανάπτυξης (ΑΚΠ) συμπέραναν ότι οι δομές της δικαιοσύνης θα μπορούσαν να αποτελέσουν το μεγαλύτερο εμπόδιο στο μελλοντικό κυβερνητικό έργο αλλά και στην λειτουργία του ίδιου του κόμματος. «Η απαγόρευση του ΑΚΠ είναι εφικτή», τόνιζε τον περασμένο Ιανουάριο ένα υψηλόβαθμο στέλεχος του κυβερνώντος κόμματος το οποίο πρόσθετε: «Οι αντίπαλοι του κόμματος είναι αποφασισμένοι να προχωρήσουν στην καταστροφή του ΑΚΠ. Το κόμμα πρέπει να απαντήσει με αντεπίθεση».
Λίγες εβδομάδες μετά την παραπάνω επισήμανση, το κυβερνών κόμμα της Τουρκίας πέρασε στην «αντεπίθεση». Έφερε στο προσκήνιο τις συζητήσεις για την αναθεώρηση του συντάγματος. Στην πραγματικότητα, η πρόταση για την αναθεώρηση του συντάγματος που δημιούργησε η στρατιωτική χούντα το 1982, βρέθηκε για πρώτη φορά στο πολιτικό προσκήνιο κατά τα πρώτα χρόνια της διακυβέρνησης του ΑΚΠ. Εκείνη την περίοδο, πολλά στελέχη του κόμματος δήλωσαν ότι συμφωνούσαν με την δημιουργία ενός νέου, δημοκρατικού συντάγματος. Η συγκεκριμένη συζήτηση έχασε την σημασία της καθώς με την πάροδο του χρόνου το ΑΚΠ στράφηκε προς νέες πολιτικές προτεραιότητες. Όμως, η όλη συζήτηση για την αναθεώρηση του τουρκικού συντάγματος επανήλθε στο προσκήνιο λίγους μήνες μετά την απαγόρευση της λειτουργίας του ΚΔΚ, τον περασμένο Φεβρουάριο. Τελικά, με συνοπτικές διαδικασίες το ΑΚΠ προχώρησε σε ένα πακέτο αναθεώρησης του συντάγματος το οποίο επικεντρώνεται στην λειτουργία των δομών και μηχανισμών της τουρκικής δικαιοσύνης. Σε περίπτωση που στο δημοψήφισμα της 12ης Σεπτεμβρίου η τουρκική κοινωνία δώσει την συγκατάθεση της για την συγκεκριμένη αναθεώρηση, η απαγόρευση των πολιτικών οργανώσεων δεν θα είναι τόσο εύκολη για τον δικαστικό μηχανισμό.
Αναστατωμένοι οι Τούρκοι νομικοί
Από την πλευρά τους, η πλειοψηφία των Τούρκων νομικών εκφράζουν την αντίθεση τους με το πακέτο αναθεώρησης το οποίο προωθεί το ΑΚΠ. Σύμφωνα με πολλούς κορυφαίους νομικούς της Τουρκίας, ο μοναδικός στόχος του ΑΚΠ είναι ο απόλυτος έλεγχος της δικαιοσύνης με σκοπό την διευκόλυνση της λήψης συντηρητικών πολιτικών και κοινωνικών πρωτοβουλιών.
Όμως οι νομικοί της Τουρκίας, οι οποίοι εκφράζουν την αντίθεση τους στην τροποποίηση του συντάγματος, πέφτουν συχνά σε αντιφάσεις. Την στιγμή που κάνουν λόγο για την ανεξαρτησία της δικαιοσύνης υπάρχουν μια σειρά αναπάντητων ερωτημάτων τα οποία αδυνατούν να απαντήσουν. Πρώτον, γιατί στο παρελθόν δεν ξεκαθάρισαν την αντίθεση τους με το χουντικό σύνταγμα του 1982; Δεύτερον, γιατί αποφεύγουν να τοποθετηθούν κατά της προβληματικής δομής και λειτουργίας της τουρκικής δικαιοσύνης; Τρίτον, γιατί δεν θέτουν την δική τους πρόταση για ένα δημοκρατικό και ευρωπαϊκό σύνταγμα;
Τα μέλη του ΑΚΠ υπογραμμίζουν την σημασία των παραπάνω αναπάντητων ερωτημάτων και δηλώνουν πίστη σε ένα θετικό αποτέλεσμα στο δημοψήφισμα της 12ης Σεπτεμβρίου. «Θα φτάσουμε σε μυθικά ποσοστά», δήλωνε πριν από λίγες εβδομάδες στέλεχος της τουρκικής κυβέρνησης.
Όποια και αν είναι η αντίρρηση των Τούρκων νομικών και οι προσδοκίες του ΑΚΠ, το σίγουρο είναι ότι μια σημαντική μερίδα της τουρκικής κοινωνίας εμφανίζεται επιφυλακτική ως προς τις προθέσεις της ηγεσίας του κυβερνώντος κόμματος. Άλλωστε, πολλοί είναι οι διανοούμενοι οι οποίοι τονίζουν ότι σε περίπτωση που επικρατήσει στην κάλπη του δημοψηφίσματος η βούληση του ΑΚΠ, θα τεθεί υπό αμφισβήτηση ο κοσμικός και ενιαίος χαρακτήρας της Τουρκικής Δημοκρατίας.
Αυστηροί τόνοι από την αντιπολίτευση
Από τις αρχές του καλοκαιριού, οι τουρκικοί πολιτικοί παράγοντες κινούνται στους ρυθμούς του επικείμενου δημοψηφίσματος. Το κόμμα της αξιωματικής αντιπολίτευσης, το Ρεπουμπλικανικό Λαϊκό Κόμμα (CHP), ηγείται του στρατοπέδου το οποίο θα καταψηφίσει την αναθεώρηση του συντάγματος. Ο νέος ηγέτης του κόμματος Κεμάλ Κιλιτσντάρογλου έχει ξεκαθαρίσει ότι τάσσεται υπέρ μιας συνολικής αναθεώρησης του συντάγματος και στις επίσημες τοποθετήσεις του τονίζει την σημασία ενός δημοκρατικού συντάγματος. Τα στελέχη του συγκεκριμένου κόμματος συμμερίζονται την ανησυχία για το μέλλον του κοσμικού και ενιαίου χαρακτήρα της δημοκρατίας.
Το Κόμμα του Εθνικιστικού Κινήματος (MHP) στις επίσημες τοποθετήσεις του έχει ταυτίσει το δημοψήφισμα για την αναθεώρηση του συντάγματος, με τον μέλλον του εθνικού χαρακτήρα της δημοκρατίας. Σύμφωνα με τον ηγέτη του κόμματος Ντεβλέτ Μπαχτσελί οι κινήσεις του ΑΚΠ είναι προδοτικές και επισκιάζουν την τουρκικότητα της δημοκρατίας.
Σε ότι αφορά την στάση των μικρότερων αντιπολιτευόμενων κομμάτων θα πρέπει να τονιστεί ότι το μοναδικό κόμμα το οποίο έχει ξεκαθαρίσει την υποστήριξη του στην πρωτοβουλία του ΑΚΠ είναι το Κόμμα της Ευτυχίας (Saadet), το οποίο διατηρεί στενές σχέσεις με τους κύκλους του πολιτικού Ισλάμ στην Τουρκία.
Το Κουρδικό ανασυγκροτεί το πολιτικό πεδίο, το Κυπριακό χαράζει νέες πολιτικές
Σε μια περίοδο που η συζήτηση για την αναθεώρηση του συντάγματος απασχολεί την κοινή γνώμη της Τουρκίας, το Κουρδικό Ζήτημα εμφανίζεται στο προσκήνιο ως παράγοντας ανασυγκρότησης του τουρκικού πολιτικού πεδίου.
Την προηγούμενη εβδομάδα το ΠΚΚ προχώρησε σε μονοήμερη κατάπαυση του πυρός. Σχεδόν ταυτόχρονα, το Κόμμα Ειρήνης και Δημοκρατίας (ΚΕΔ), το οποίο αντικατάστησε τον προηγούμενο Δεκέμβριο το ΚΔΚ και το οποίο διατηρεί στενές σχέσεις με του κύκλους του ΠΚΚ, χτύπησε την πόρτα του τουρκικού κυβερνώντος κόμματος με μια συγκεκριμένη πρόταση. Ζήτησε από το ΑΚΠ να υποστηρίξει την αυτονομία των επαρχιών στις οποίες οι κουρδικοί πληθυσμοί αποτελούν την πλειοψηφία, με αντάλλαγμα την υποστήριξη του κόμματος στην αναθεώρηση του συντάγματος. Σε περίπτωση που το ΑΚΠ δεχθεί την συγκεκριμένη πρόταση, πολλοί είναι οι Τούρκοι αναλυτές οι οποίοι τονίζουν ότι θα ανοίξει ο δρόμος για μια μεγάλη ανασυγκρότηση στο τουρκικό πολιτικό πεδίο. Όμως, μέχρι στιγμής το ΑΚΠ αρνείται κατηγορηματικά να διαπραγματευτεί με το ΚΕΔ. Από την πλευρά του, το ΚΕΔ δηλώνει ότι εφόσον δεν λάβει θετική απάντηση στην πρόταση του θα απέχει από το δημοψήφισμα.
Εν τω μεταξύ, δημοσιογραφικές πηγές από την Άγκυρα επισημάνουν ότι η ηγεσία του κυβερνώντος κόμματος αναμένει με μεγάλη αγωνία το αποτέλεσμα του δημοψηφίσματος της 12ης Σεπτεμβρίου. Οι ίδιες οι πηγές τονίζουν ότι σε περίπτωση που ψηφιστεί η αναθεώρηση του συντάγματος, το ΑΚΠ θα κινηθεί με αποφασιστικότητα προς την κατεύθυνση της αλλαγής στρατηγικής στο Κυπριακό.
TÜRKİYE’DE TRAVESTİ OLGUSU: TOPLUMSAL GERÇEKLİĞİN ACI YÜZÜ
TÜRKİYE’DE TRAVESTİ OLGUSU: TOPLUMSAL GERÇEKLİĞİN ACI YÜZÜ
Niko Stelgias
‘Kapa’ Dergisi – Kathimerini (Kıbrıs) 29-8-2010
Özel Röportaj
Ölümü bekliyor. Yalan dünyada sayılı günleri kaldı. Taksim’de ucuz bir otel odasındaki yatağına mahkum. Birkaç dostları hep yanı başında. En zor anlarında yanında bir tek onlar var. Çok küçük yaşta kendisini ‘ölüme’ mahkum eden bir ülkede kanserle mücadele veriyor.
Türkiye’nin yaralı yüreği İnci… Emin ol ki bu olumsuzlukların nedeni sen değilsin… Genç yaşta öz cinsel kimliğini keşfetmen bir hata mıydı, Allah aşkına? Bu dünyaya erkek olarak gelmişsen bu senin hatanmıydı? Sen bir bayanın vücudunda yaşantını devam ettirmeyi seçtin. Selam olsun senin cesur yüreğine! Sen aşık olmayı denedin. Erkek giysilerini terk edip bayan giysilerini seçtin. Cesurca sokağa çıkıp mahallenin en yakışıklı oğlanına tutuldun. İlkin ailen, sonrasındaysa toplumsal çevren senin yadırgadı ve sindirmek istedi. Yılmadın İnci… Sen her zaman başı dik yürümesini bilen bir insandın. O başı hep dik tuttun. İstanbul’un bir köşesinde toplumsal bataklığın ağlarında yaşam mücadelesi verdin. Seçim şansın yoktu. Az sayıdaki arkadaşların gibi yaşam mücadelesine atıldın.
Sayısız erkeğe orgazmın ne olduğunu öğrettin. Belki de bir çok apoletli insan, toplumsal klasmanda üst sıralardaki birçok şerefli aile babası cinsel tatmini senin yatağında buldu. Ama gel gör ki artık sen yatağında kanserle yalnız başınasın. Kanser benliğine işlemiş İnci… Ancak gel gör ki bizim ülkenin hastaneleri seni kabul etmiyorlar. Yeşil kartın yokmuş!... Ankara cebinde yüklü miktarda parası olmayanların suratına hastane kapılarını kapatmasını iyi bilir. Ve sen İnci, İstanbul’un travesti, çökmeye yüz tutmuş, ucuz, rutubetli bir otel odasında ölümle dans ediyorsun…
Travestiler: Türkiye’nin yadsınan sosyal yüzü
İnci ve onun gibi yaşamını travesti olarak sürdürmeyi seçmiş olanlar Türkiye’de birçok sosyal sorunla karşı karşıyalar. Travestiler hem zamanla hem mekanla hem de Türkiye’nin ikilemleriyle boğuşuyorlar. Genç yaşta öz cinsel kimliğin dışa vurumu aile ve toplumsal ortamda yadsınmayla bir oluyor. Çoğu zaman bu dışlanma genç yürekleri cinsel sömürü kanizmaların çarklarına itiyor.
Türkiye toplumu travesti olgusunu görmezlikten gelerek yaşantısını sürdürmeyi yeğliyor. Ne var ki bu olgu son yıllarda büyük kent merkezlerinde toplumsal yaşantının birçok açılımında izini bırakmış durumda. Türkiye vatandaşı travestilere korku ve kin duygularıyla yaklaşıyor. Türk eğitim sistemi ön yargılar üzerine inşa edilmiş durumda. Bu sistem birçok sosyal olguyu öteliyor ya da daha doğru bir terminolojiyle ötekileştiriyor. Genç beyinlerin çoğu susmak yerine kendilerini ifade etmeyi seçtiklerinde de şiddete başvuruyorlar. Bu durum travesti olgusu için de geçerli. Öte yandan, cinsel tatminsizlikle mücadele veren birçok Türkiye erkeği soluğu İnci gibilerin yataklarında alıyorlar. O yataklarda dışa vurumu imkansız cinsel istemlerin keşiflerine çıkılıyor.
Son dönemlerde şiddetten –fiziksel, cinsel ve toplumsal- bıkan travestiler sokaklara dökülüp insanca yaşama istemlerini dışa vuruyorlar. ‘Müşterilerin’ sadist yaklaşımları canlarına tak etmiş durumda. Polis onların şikayetlerini görmezlikten geliyor. Zaten polis karakollarında yapılan şikayetler çoğu zaman memurların uyguladığı şiddetle sonuçsuz kalıyor. Tüm bunlar 2010’un Türkiye’sinde yaşanıyor. Benim ülkemin aileden sorumlu bakanı eşcinselliği hastalık olarak tanımladı ya… İşte o ülkede…
Kayda geçiril(e)meyen modern Türkiye tarihinden kesintiler
İnci’nin yaşam mücadelesi verdiği bir dönemde, Duygu İzmir’in sokaklarını arşınlayıp ‘müşteri’ arıyor. Ufak bir bütçeyi denkleştirmesine az kaldı. Bir miktar parası olur olmaz soluğu Almanya’daki ağabeyinin yanında alacak. Yeni bir hayat onu bekliyor. Ülkesinde aile ve toplusal ortamda bunalmış vaziyette. ‘Ülkemden giderken arkamda bıraktığım için üzüleceğim hiçbir şeyim yok’, diyor acı dolu bir yüz ifadesiyle…
Duygu hayata Abdullah ismiyle erkek olarak geldi. Eskiden ailesi Diyarbakır’ın –nam-ı diyar Diyarbekir ya da Amed- bir köyünde imparatorluk döneminden beri alışılageldiği üzere hayvancılıkla uğraşırdı. Abdullah on çocuklu ailenin en küçük evladıydı. Ergenlik yıllarını köyüne yakın bir kasabanın yatılı okulunda geçirdi. O yıllarda edebiyat hocasının şiddetine maruz kaldı. Tek suçu 13 yaşındaki Kürt asıllı bir evlat olarak bu toprakların ana dillerinden bir tanesi olan Türkçeye tam olarak hakim olamamaktı. Yenilen ilk dayak dönemini PKK’nin acı dolu ilk dönemleri izledi. Abdullah’ın köyü ve evi yerle bir oldu. Ailesi tek çareyi muhacerette yani göç yolunda buldu. O ve bir erkek kardeşi Diyarbakır’da kalmayı yeğledi. Sonra dağın yolunu tuttu. Kuzey Irak’ın bir dağında, bir askeri kampta bir erkek vücudu üzerinde Abdullah hayatında ilk defa öz cinsel kimliğini keşfetti. Abdullah seviştiği ilk erkeğe gönlünü kaptırdı. İkisi de antimiliter yaklaşımlara sahipti. ‘Sevişmek dururken savaşmak ne diye’, sormuşlardı cesurca kendi kendilerine o dönem. Bu nedenle iki genç aşık askeri kampı terk ederek soluğu İstanbul’da aldılar. İstanbul’da onlara kapısını açan tek ev bir travestinin sığınağıydı. Orada açlıkla mücadele iki genci fuhuş batağına sürükledi. Abdullah ilkin ismini değiştirdi. Duygu ismini seçti. Zamanla bayan giysilerini beğenir oldu. Aralıksız çalışıp para kazanma hırsına kapıldı. Ve o dönem sırılsıklam aşık olduğu genç, kısa bir zaman zarfında fuhuş batağında pes edip ona elveda dedi. Tekrardan dağın yolunu tuttu.
Şimdilerde Duygu yaşamını İzmir’de tek başına sürdürüyor. Her akşam birden fazla müşteriyle birlikte oluyor. Avrupa hayalini gerçekleştirecek olan para uğruna bir çok cinsel isteme boyun eğiyor. ‘Buradan kaçıp kurtulacağım’, diyor ve ekliyor: ‘Almanya’da bana sırtını dönmeyen bir erkek kardeşim var. Ona sığınacağım. Yabancı ellerde karşılaşacağım olumsuzluklar umurumda değil. Tek bir dileğim var. Yıkık dökük bir otelin rutubetli odasında ölmek istemiyorum. İnsan onuruyla ölmek istiyorum. Benim vatanımda bu imkansız…’
İnci’nin hayat mücadelesi verdiği, koca bir toplumun çok acımasız bir toplumsal gerçekliliği görmezden geldiği bir dönemde Duygu umut dolu gözlerle bizlere İzmir’den selam ve muhabbetini gönderiyor…
Kıbrıs’tan Türkiye’nin cesur yüreklerine selam olsun!...
ΟΙ ΤΡΑΒΕΣΤΙ ΤΗΣ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑΣ: ΜΙΑ ΣΚΛΗΡΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑΣ
ΟΙ ΤΡΑΒΕΣΤΙ ΤΗΣ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑΣ: ΜΙΑ ΣΚΛΗΡΗ ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ ΠΡΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΟΤΗΤΑ ΤΗΣ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑΣ
Του Νίκου Στέλγια
Περιοδικό "Κ" 29-8-2010
Πεθαίνει. Της απομένουν μερικές ημέρες σε τούτο τον ψεύτικο κόσμο. Είναι καταδικασμένη σε ένα νεκροκρέβατο ενός ξεπεσμένου ξενοδοχείου του Πέρα. Ετοιμάζεται να αποχαιρετίσει τους λιγοστούς φίλους της. Μόνοι εκείνοι έχουν παραμείνει γύρω της. Πεθαίνει σε μια χώρα και σε μια κοινωνία που την έχουν καταδικάσει σε θάνατο από πολύ μικρή ηλικία.
Πονεμένη ψυχή της Τουρκίας, Ιντζί… Να ξέρεις ότι δεν φταις για τίποτα… Τι και αν σε εργένικη ηλικία συνειδητοποίησες ότι οι σεξουαλικές σου προτιμήσεις ήταν διαφορετικές από τα άλλα αγόρια της παρέας σου; Τι και αν είχες γεννηθεί αγόρι; Εσύ ήθελες να γνωρίσεις αυτή την ζωή μέσα από τα μάτια μιας γυναίκας. Τόλμησες να ερωτευτείς. Παράτησες τα ανδρικά φορέματα και επέλεξες γυναικεία. Βγήκες στον μαχαλά σου και τόλμησες να ερωτευτείς το πιο όμορφο αγόρι της γειτονιάς. Πρώτα η οικογένεια σου και στην συνέχεια μια ολόκληρη κοινωνία ήρθαν να σε στιγματίσουν. Άσκησαν σωματική βία πάνω σου. Ιντζί, εσύ δεν πτοήθηκες. Η αξιοπρέπεια ήταν αυτή που σε διέκρινε ανέκαθεν. Κράτησες το κεφάλι ψηλά. Απομακρύνθηκες από την γενέτειρα σου. Μετακόμισες στα Ταταύλα και εντάχθηκες στην κοινότητα των τραβεστί της Τουρκίας. Δεν είχες επιλογή. Υπέκυψες στην πορνεία και τράβηξες τον δρόμο των φίλων σου.
Τι και αν προσέφερες σε πολλούς άνδρες οργασμούς; Τι και αν αστυνομικοί, στρατηγοί, δικηγόροι, επιχειρηματίες και οικογενειάρχες της υψηλής κοινωνίας έτρεξαν στο κρεβάτι σου για να γευτούν τις απαγορευμένες απολαύσεις; Τώρα πεθαίνεις μόνη σου Ιντζί, καταδικασμένη σε μια αιώνια μοναξιά. Την στιγμή που ο καρκίνος εξουσιάζει το είναι σου, τα νοσοκομεία της χώρας σου αρνούνται να σε δεχθούν. Η Άγκυρα κρατά κλειστές τις θύρες των δημόσιων νοσοκομείων της για όσους πολίτες δεν έχουν χρήματα. Και εσύ Ιντζί, τραβεστί της Κωνσταντινούπολης, πεθαίνεις σε ένα φτωχικό, γεμάτο υγρασία δωμάτιο ενός ξεπεσμένου ξενοδοχείου...
Τραβεστί: Η αγνοημένη κοινωνική πραγματικότητα της Τουρκίας
Η Ιντζί ανήκει σε μια κοινωνική ομάδα της Τουρκίας η οποία έχει να αντιμετωπίσει καθημερινά πολλά ανοικτά κοινωνικά μέτωπα. Οι τραβεστί της Τουρκίας δίνουν μια άνιση μάχη με όλες τις αρνητικές εκφάνσεις της κοινωνικής τους ζωής. Σε πολύ μικρή ηλικία, η ανακάλυψη της πραγματικής σεξουαλικής ταυτότητας πλαισιώνεται με την αποξένωση από την οικογένεια και την κοινωνική απομόνωση. Αυτή η απομόνωση έρχεται να στιγματίσει νεανικές ζωές οι οποίες αναζητούν την επιβίωση μέσα στα δίκτυα της πορνείας.
Η κοινωνία της Τουρκίας προτιμά να αγνοεί το φαινόμενο των τραβεστί το οποίο κατά την τελευταία δεκαετία έχει λάβει διαστάσεις στα μεγάλα αστικά κέντρα της χώρας. Ο μέσος πολίτης αντιμετωπίζει την κάθε τραβεστί με φόβο και μίσος. Το τουρκικό εκπαιδευτικό σύστημα το οποίο στηρίζεται σε μια σειρά προκαταλήψεων, δημιουργεί ένα είδος πολίτη ο οποίος προτιμά να παραμείνει σιωπηλός μπροστά στα κοινωνικά φαινόμενα που αγγίζουν την καθημερινότητα του. Ενώ, στην περίπτωση που ο πολίτης επιλέξει να εκφραστεί, το πράττει μόνο διαμέσου της βίας. Την ίδια στιγμή όμως ένας μεγάλος αριθμός Τούρκων ανδρών, από διάφορες ηλικιακές κατηγορίες, αναζητά την σεξουαλική ικανοποίηση μέσα από μια προπληρωμένη ερωτική συνεύρεση με την Ιντζί και την κάθε τραβεστί της Τουρκίας. Σε πολλές περιπτώσεις, οι άνδρες προσεγγίζουν τους τραβεστί για να εξερευνήσουν τις απωθημένες σεξουαλικές επιθυμίες τους.
Το τελευταίο διάστημα, πολλές τραβεστί έχουν ξεχυθεί στους δρόμους για να καταγγείλουν την σωματική βία που υπέστησαν εξαιτίας των σαδιστικών επιθυμιών των πελατών τους. Σχεδόν σε όλες τις περιπτώσεις, η αστυνομία έχει αγνοήσει τις καταγγελίες τους. Άλλωστε, συχνά οι τραβεστί που καταφεύγουν σε αστυνομικούς σταθμούς, γίνονται αποδέκτες της αστυνομικής βιας. Και όλα αυτά συμβαίνουν στην Τουρκία του 2010, σε μια χώρα όπου η αρμόδια Υπουργός για Θέματα Οικογενείας και Γυναικών πριν από λίγο καιρό χαρακτήρισε την ομοφυλοφιλία ως μια πολύ σοβαρή ασθένεια…
Οι άγραφες ιστορίες
Σε μια περίοδο που η Ιντζί δίνει μάχη με τον καρκίνο για να κρατηθεί στην ζωή, η Ντουϊγκού περιπλανιέται στους δρόμους της Σμύρνης αναζητώντας «πελάτες» με σκοπό να εξασφαλίσει το χρηματικό ποσό το οποίο θα της ανοίξει τον δρόμο για μια νέα ζωή στην Γερμανία. Έχει βαρεθεί την οικογένεια, το περιβάλλον και την ίδια την χώρα… «Δεν έχω τίποτα για το οποίο θα κλάψω φεύγοντας από αυτή την χώρα», δηλώνει με πικρία…
Η Ντουϊγκού γεννήθηκε αγόρι και πήρε το όνομα Αμντουλλάχ. Σε ένα από τα χωριά του Ντιγιάρμπεκιρ, η οικογένεια του ασχολούταν με την κτηνοτροφία από την περίοδο της Αυτοκρατορίας. Ο μικρός Αμντουλλάχ ήταν το δέκατο παιδί της οικογένειας. Τα εφηβικά του χρόνια τον βρήκαν να φοιτά στο γυμνάσιο της κωμόπολης που γειτνίαζε με το χωριό του. Εκεί βίωσε για πρώτη φορά στην ζωή του την σωματική βία που άσκησε πάνω στο παιδικό του κορμί ο φιλόλογος. Το μεγάλο έγκλημα του ήταν ότι το 13χρονο κουρδικής καταγωγής αγόρι δεν κατείχε επαρκώς την τουρκική γλώσσα. Αυτήν την πικρή εμπειρία ακολούθησαν τα δύσκολα χρόνια της πρώτης φάσης της εξέγερσης του ΠΚΚ. Στα μέσα της δεκαετίας 80΄, στην γενέτειρα γη του Αμντουλλάχ το ΠΚΚ ξεκίνησε να συγκρούεται με τις δυνάμεις ασφαλείας της Τουρκίας. Το χωριό και η κατοικία του Αμντουλλάχ ισοπεδώθηκαν. Η οικογένεια του τράβηξε τον δρόμο της ξενιτιάς. Εκείνος και ένας εκ των αδελφών του προτίμησαν να παραμείνουν στο Ντιγιάρμπεκιρ. Εγκατέλειψαν το σχολείο και εντάχθηκαν στο ΠΚΚ. Τα δυο αδέλφια στρατολογήθηκαν ως αντάρτες και πέρασαν από την βασική εκπαίδευση στα βουνά του Ιράκ. Εκείνη την περίοδο, ο Αμντουλλάχ ανακάλυψε την αληθινή σεξουαλική του ταυτότητα στο κοίταγμά ενός συναγωνιστή αντάρτη. Οι δυο νέοι ερωτεύτηκαν και αποφάσισαν να εγκαταλείψουν το πολεμικό πεδίο της Ανατολής. Έτσι, απέδρασαν από ένα στρατόπεδο του ΠΚΚ και μετέβηκαν στην Κωνσταντινούπολη. Εκεί το μοναδικό σπίτι που άνοιξε την πόρτα να υποδεχθεί τους δυο άνδρες ανήκε σε μια φίλη τραβεστί. Αντιμέτωποι με την πείνα και την ανεργία, οι δυο ερωτευμένοι νεαροί αποφάσισαν να ενδώσουν στα πλοκάμια της πορνείας και να υιοθετήσουν την ταυτότητα της τραβεστί. Ο Αμντουλλάχ άλλαξε το όνομα του και προτίμησε το «Ντουϊγκου», δηλαδή «αίσθημα». Σταδιακά αγάπησε το γυναικείο ντύσιμο και ξεκίνησε να εργάζεται ασταμάτητα. Όμως, στην νέα φάση της ζωής του έχασε το ένα και μοναδικό του «αίσθημα». Ο έρωτας της ζωής της, εγκατάλειψε την Ντουϊγκού και επέστρεψε στα βουνά, στις δυνάμεις του ΠΚΚ.
Σήμερα η Ντουϊγκού ζει στην Σμύρνη και κάθε βράδυ τρέχει από τον ένα πελάτη στον άλλο. Με σκοπό να εξασφαλίσει το ποσό που θα της ανοίξει τον δρόμο της Ευρώπης, αποδέχεται προτάσεις οι οποίες εμπεριέχουν διάφορα «σεξουαλικά παιχνίδια». «Θα φύγω να γλυτώσω», λέει και προσθέτει. «Στην Γερμανία με περιμένει ένας από τους αδελφούς μου ο οποίος δεν αγνοεί την ύπαρξη μου, όπως η υπόλοιπη οικογένεια μου. Δεν με ενδιαφέρουν οι συνθήκες που με περιμένουν στην ξενιτιά. Αρκεί να μην πεθάνω σε ένα γεμάτο μούχλα δωμάτιο ενός φτηνού ξενοδοχείου του Πέρα. Θέλω να πεθάνω με την αξιοπρέπεια μου. Στην γενέτειρα γη αυτό είναι αδύνατον…»
Η Ντουϊγκου μας χαιρετά από την Σμύρνη την στιγμή που η Ιντζί χαροπαλεύει στην Κωνσταντινούπολη και μια ολόκληρη κοινωνία εξακολουθεί να αγνοεί μια σκληρά αληθινή έκφανση της κοινωνικής πραγματικότητας…
Friday, August 27, 2010
Tuesday, August 24, 2010
19 and July 20, 1974
19 and July 20, 1974
Nikos Stelgia
Date: 24.08.2010 | 10:52
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
The day I met him in the law firm he was immersed in thoughts and concerns. His main concern was the deadlock property issue. By entering his office, the Turkish Cypriot lawyer looked at me in the eye and placed bitterly about the attitude of Cypriots in one of the sensitive aspects of the Cyprus problem. "Both sides faced the issue from the political standpoint. But from a legal standpoint, things are very simple. According to the latest decision of the ECHR, the G / C should turn on the Compensation Committee, which effectively marks the international recognition of the Turkish occupation of the island. Based on the fact that the Turkish side is unable to fulfill any legal requirement (payments, proper legal procedure etc), the G / C will then have to resort to testify and call other the obvious and the condemnation of Turkey for overshadowing the basic principles of law in Cyprus. In parallel, the T / C should be entitled to compensation for the properties in the southern Cyprus. This is the only way out, which persistently ignored by all sides”.
A brilliant mind of the Turkish Cypriot community, the lawyer Baris Mamali clarified with scientific precision the legal way to a complex issue such as property. However, there is an important question: Is the property and throughout the whole Cyprus issue, a simple legal issue should be solved by bureaucrats and lawyers behind closed doors? What about the social dimensions? Do we think about the imaginary signifier that we have created? A signifier that has trapped the entire island ...
July 19, 1974
Heat unbearable. I leave behind me a bit of Nicosia, where I met Mr. Mamali and return back to the 'European' part. As I run I get a little refreshing oasis with welcoming eyes full of curiosity and interest in the positions Mr. Mamali. I violate journalistic standards. What if the "Kathimerini" will be in kiosks on Sunday? The Cypriots are anxious for property issue and they expect answers to their unanswered questions. So I pass to the perspective of Mr. Mamali.
Cypriots convey what they hear with great caution. As I complete my words I slow down. Here's a deathly silence. A full meaningful silence. After a few minutes the silence collapses. Below is a brief monologue: "We do not agree with the positions Mr. Mamali. You know, there are fixed mechanisms and structures that constitute the reality of this island. What if I remain for a life of refugee? A daywWill come when I will send my daughter to buy a cottage in the occupied areas to live in the place where ancestors lived.
Silence. I hesitate for a few minutes to answer. But at the same time I feel the need to say something that has escaped the attention of my interlocutor: the return of Famagusta relates to 2010 and not the one left behind refugee family on July 19, 1974. Is the family to reconcile with a Famagusta of today, where many municipal structures will be run by t/c?
The response goes off every trace of doubt: "I do not forget, I will go back to July 19, 1974”.
July 20, 1974
My goal is not an endless discussion. The ruler of this land, Cypriot interlocutor has a single desire: to return to Famagusta, which was left behind on July 19, 1974. I respect the wishes of the imaginary signifier of this place.
But at the same time I think the fellow in the other side of the green line. The entire Turkish Cypriot community lives to the rhythm of its own imaginary signifier. Having repelled to the unconscious of what happened on July 19, 1974 and before, the community welcomes the date - a milestone in the modern history of the community: July 20, 1974. A significant proportion of Turkish Cypriots worried about the impact of the landing of Turkish forces in Cyprus. But at the same time they believe that in the Famagusta July 19, 1974 there was no room for survival for the entire Turkish Cypriot community. Thus, results in a single conclusion: The contribution in the political arena of Famagusta and in the arena of the European Cyprus are to ensure the continuity of its presence in the island. Chauvinist elements from the other side come to give dimensions to this perspective: No peaceful coexistence throughout the island, so a monopoly on a piece of the island.
19 and 20 July, that summer, full of army boots, tanks ... Have Cyprus, society and negotiators been occupied by these two dates? No other option for this island?
Of course there are options ... Take time to talk honestly and without masks for 2010 ... time to arrange the return of the small Famagustan girl to Famagusta of 2010 ...
www.kathimerini.com.cy
Nikos Stelgia
Date: 24.08.2010 | 10:52
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
The day I met him in the law firm he was immersed in thoughts and concerns. His main concern was the deadlock property issue. By entering his office, the Turkish Cypriot lawyer looked at me in the eye and placed bitterly about the attitude of Cypriots in one of the sensitive aspects of the Cyprus problem. "Both sides faced the issue from the political standpoint. But from a legal standpoint, things are very simple. According to the latest decision of the ECHR, the G / C should turn on the Compensation Committee, which effectively marks the international recognition of the Turkish occupation of the island. Based on the fact that the Turkish side is unable to fulfill any legal requirement (payments, proper legal procedure etc), the G / C will then have to resort to testify and call other the obvious and the condemnation of Turkey for overshadowing the basic principles of law in Cyprus. In parallel, the T / C should be entitled to compensation for the properties in the southern Cyprus. This is the only way out, which persistently ignored by all sides”.
A brilliant mind of the Turkish Cypriot community, the lawyer Baris Mamali clarified with scientific precision the legal way to a complex issue such as property. However, there is an important question: Is the property and throughout the whole Cyprus issue, a simple legal issue should be solved by bureaucrats and lawyers behind closed doors? What about the social dimensions? Do we think about the imaginary signifier that we have created? A signifier that has trapped the entire island ...
July 19, 1974
Heat unbearable. I leave behind me a bit of Nicosia, where I met Mr. Mamali and return back to the 'European' part. As I run I get a little refreshing oasis with welcoming eyes full of curiosity and interest in the positions Mr. Mamali. I violate journalistic standards. What if the "Kathimerini" will be in kiosks on Sunday? The Cypriots are anxious for property issue and they expect answers to their unanswered questions. So I pass to the perspective of Mr. Mamali.
Cypriots convey what they hear with great caution. As I complete my words I slow down. Here's a deathly silence. A full meaningful silence. After a few minutes the silence collapses. Below is a brief monologue: "We do not agree with the positions Mr. Mamali. You know, there are fixed mechanisms and structures that constitute the reality of this island. What if I remain for a life of refugee? A daywWill come when I will send my daughter to buy a cottage in the occupied areas to live in the place where ancestors lived.
Silence. I hesitate for a few minutes to answer. But at the same time I feel the need to say something that has escaped the attention of my interlocutor: the return of Famagusta relates to 2010 and not the one left behind refugee family on July 19, 1974. Is the family to reconcile with a Famagusta of today, where many municipal structures will be run by t/c?
The response goes off every trace of doubt: "I do not forget, I will go back to July 19, 1974”.
July 20, 1974
My goal is not an endless discussion. The ruler of this land, Cypriot interlocutor has a single desire: to return to Famagusta, which was left behind on July 19, 1974. I respect the wishes of the imaginary signifier of this place.
But at the same time I think the fellow in the other side of the green line. The entire Turkish Cypriot community lives to the rhythm of its own imaginary signifier. Having repelled to the unconscious of what happened on July 19, 1974 and before, the community welcomes the date - a milestone in the modern history of the community: July 20, 1974. A significant proportion of Turkish Cypriots worried about the impact of the landing of Turkish forces in Cyprus. But at the same time they believe that in the Famagusta July 19, 1974 there was no room for survival for the entire Turkish Cypriot community. Thus, results in a single conclusion: The contribution in the political arena of Famagusta and in the arena of the European Cyprus are to ensure the continuity of its presence in the island. Chauvinist elements from the other side come to give dimensions to this perspective: No peaceful coexistence throughout the island, so a monopoly on a piece of the island.
19 and 20 July, that summer, full of army boots, tanks ... Have Cyprus, society and negotiators been occupied by these two dates? No other option for this island?
Of course there are options ... Take time to talk honestly and without masks for 2010 ... time to arrange the return of the small Famagustan girl to Famagusta of 2010 ...
www.kathimerini.com.cy
Monday, August 23, 2010
Turkey condemned by the ECHR
Turkey condemned by the ECHR
The Turkish side accused assassinated Dink with ''Nazi behavior.''
Nikos Stelgia
Kathimerini 23-8-2010
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
In a few months, the third anniversary ... For three years, the society of Turkey feel the void left behind by the unfair loss of a member of its intelligentsia. Hrant Dink, who was murdered by a 18 year old on January 19, 2007, was only 53 years and his future plans related to the enrichment of literature and intellectual life of Turkey. He wrote incessantly until a number of spheres deprived his life. The Turkish state has taken no action to frustrate the plan of murder.
Instead, now rumors show the way for the involvement of state agencies in the case of ethnic Armenian intellectual. According to latest reports, almost three years after the assassination, the European Court of Human Rights is to condemn Turkey for the unfair loss of Mr. Dink.
In accordance with the Turkish broadcast news network «CNN Türk», in a few days, the ECHR will announce its decision on the condemnation of Turkey for negligence with regard to the protection of Mr. Dink and overshadowing the principles of law to try the whole case. According to the ECHR, the Turkish state has failed to ensure effective trial for the murder of Mr. Dink.
Turkey has accused him of "Nazi"
Last week, in Turkey has seen the light of day an information which has caused much confusion in society. According to this information, the Turkish side made efforts to defend itself in the ECHR accusing Mr Dink in the name of Nazi behavior. More or less, the Turkish side has accused the journalist on the pretext that his writing was about of ethnic hatred. Information regarding the condemnation of Turkey in the ECHR come to the fore at a time when the majority of society in Turkey continues to express its abhorrence of the conduct of Ankara.
Embarrassment in Ankara
The defense of the Turkish state left in a difficult position many politicians in Ankara. Foreign Minister Ahmed Davutoglu had to state that he did not know the contents of the Turkish defense. Furthermore, he stated that he feels very uncomfortable. For his part, President Abdullah Gul felt the need to convene a meeting with the brother of Hrant Dink, Dink Chosrof and apologized for the attitude of his government.
The other face of the AKP
The very moment that Mr. Gul and Mr. Davutoglu expressed consternation for the defense of the government, members of the ruling Justice and Development Party made statements with substance ethnic hatred. Specifically, the Deputy Prime Cemil Cicek reached the point of asking about the reason why some of the dead man of the PKK are not circumcised. At the same time, he made efforts to link the activities of PKK to Armenian actions that are challenging its country.
www.kathimerini.com.cy
Sunday, August 22, 2010
ANKARA DIVIDES THE TURKISH CYPRIOT RIGHT
Nikos Stelgia
Kathimerini 22/8/2010
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
Last week two "members", former general secretary of the party Ertuğrul Hasipoğlu, Mehmet Tancer and the "mayor" of Vantili turned their backs to the Democratic Party of Serdar Ntekntas and with other actors from the cycle of family Denktaş passed to the National Unity Party (NUP).
At a time when the Democratic Party is in dissolution, the NUP is seeking ways to strengthen the position of its government, while the leadership declares itself ready to welcome το party all the players who choose to withdraw from circle of family Denktaş. Indeed, according to unconfirmed news last week Turkish Cypriot leader Derviş Eroğlu called the "Health Minister" Ahmet Kasif to resign in order to have a "Ministerial office" to be filled by members of the Democratic Party. On the other hand, inside the NUP the discussions were about Mr. Hasipoğlu and his possible new career in the general secretariat of the party.
Today, in parliament the NUP has 24 "seats". With support within the Democratic Party (DP), the main objective is to increase the "seats" of the party and strengthen the "government" of Irsen Küçük. On the other hand, the party wishes to enhance its image before the large conference in November.
End of an era in Turkish Cypriot politics
Just a few months before the dissolution of the Democratic Party, Derviş Eroğlu was elected to the leadership of the Turkish Cypriots with the support of family Eroğlu and the DP. Last spring, the Democratic Party had made it clear that the support of the Mr Eroğlu, aimed at strengthening the national unity of the Turkish Cypriots. The latest developments in the Democratic Party showed how fragile is the consistency of the Turkish Cypriot right.
The last period the cycle of family Eroğlu made clear its opposition to the financial measures advocated by the "government" of the NUP, based on the guidelines of Ankara. As the T / C left so the Democratic Party, recently states its objective to Ankara for the absolute control of the Turkish Cypriot economic structures. In contrast to this view, the NUP closely following the guidelines of Ankara tries to maintain its consistent political line through close cooperation with the ruling Justice and Development Party in Turkey. Just at this point comes to the surface the great divide in the Turkish Cypriot political scene. The right seems to be divided into two camps: the camp that wants cooperation with Ankara and that is opposed to this partnership. The insistence on maintaining distance from policies of Ankara, weaken the camp of Denktaş and marks a new era in the T / C political scene. In the new season, experienced executives of T / C right seek compromise with the political line of the Turkish ruling Justice and Development Party through the NUP .
The scenarios for the next day
At a time when the second major party in the T / C right is in liquidation, the Freedom and Reform Party (FPP) of Turgay Avci, founded in 2006 with the support of Ankara is preparing to conclude an alliance with the NUP. This party, whose managers have entered the political arena through the structures of the NUP is open to a "cohabitation" with the NUP. In the meantime it express full support of the financial measures advocated by the NUP with agreement with Ankara. Furthermore, according to information obtained by Kathimerini, Tahsin Ertugruloglu, who was removed from the NUP in March, is likely to support or participate in the NUP - RFP coalition government. In this case, the reorganized T / C right (NUP - RFP- Ertugruloglu) will be required to implement the economic package of Ankara.
The electoral base of the NUP and some of the close circle of associates of the Turkish Cypriot leader Eroglu, are the only barrier to realizing the above scenario. This portion of the T / C right keeps cautious attitude towards full cooperation with Ankara and the Turkish ruling circles of the party. Indeed, this circles suggest the cooperation with the two former "members" of the Democratic Party or the "cohabitation" with the Social Democratic Party, whose leadership is seem to be interested to cover two specific ministerial seats.
Kathimerini 22/8/2010
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
Last week two "members", former general secretary of the party Ertuğrul Hasipoğlu, Mehmet Tancer and the "mayor" of Vantili turned their backs to the Democratic Party of Serdar Ntekntas and with other actors from the cycle of family Denktaş passed to the National Unity Party (NUP).
At a time when the Democratic Party is in dissolution, the NUP is seeking ways to strengthen the position of its government, while the leadership declares itself ready to welcome το party all the players who choose to withdraw from circle of family Denktaş. Indeed, according to unconfirmed news last week Turkish Cypriot leader Derviş Eroğlu called the "Health Minister" Ahmet Kasif to resign in order to have a "Ministerial office" to be filled by members of the Democratic Party. On the other hand, inside the NUP the discussions were about Mr. Hasipoğlu and his possible new career in the general secretariat of the party.
Today, in parliament the NUP has 24 "seats". With support within the Democratic Party (DP), the main objective is to increase the "seats" of the party and strengthen the "government" of Irsen Küçük. On the other hand, the party wishes to enhance its image before the large conference in November.
End of an era in Turkish Cypriot politics
Just a few months before the dissolution of the Democratic Party, Derviş Eroğlu was elected to the leadership of the Turkish Cypriots with the support of family Eroğlu and the DP. Last spring, the Democratic Party had made it clear that the support of the Mr Eroğlu, aimed at strengthening the national unity of the Turkish Cypriots. The latest developments in the Democratic Party showed how fragile is the consistency of the Turkish Cypriot right.
The last period the cycle of family Eroğlu made clear its opposition to the financial measures advocated by the "government" of the NUP, based on the guidelines of Ankara. As the T / C left so the Democratic Party, recently states its objective to Ankara for the absolute control of the Turkish Cypriot economic structures. In contrast to this view, the NUP closely following the guidelines of Ankara tries to maintain its consistent political line through close cooperation with the ruling Justice and Development Party in Turkey. Just at this point comes to the surface the great divide in the Turkish Cypriot political scene. The right seems to be divided into two camps: the camp that wants cooperation with Ankara and that is opposed to this partnership. The insistence on maintaining distance from policies of Ankara, weaken the camp of Denktaş and marks a new era in the T / C political scene. In the new season, experienced executives of T / C right seek compromise with the political line of the Turkish ruling Justice and Development Party through the NUP .
The scenarios for the next day
At a time when the second major party in the T / C right is in liquidation, the Freedom and Reform Party (FPP) of Turgay Avci, founded in 2006 with the support of Ankara is preparing to conclude an alliance with the NUP. This party, whose managers have entered the political arena through the structures of the NUP is open to a "cohabitation" with the NUP. In the meantime it express full support of the financial measures advocated by the NUP with agreement with Ankara. Furthermore, according to information obtained by Kathimerini, Tahsin Ertugruloglu, who was removed from the NUP in March, is likely to support or participate in the NUP - RFP coalition government. In this case, the reorganized T / C right (NUP - RFP- Ertugruloglu) will be required to implement the economic package of Ankara.
The electoral base of the NUP and some of the close circle of associates of the Turkish Cypriot leader Eroglu, are the only barrier to realizing the above scenario. This portion of the T / C right keeps cautious attitude towards full cooperation with Ankara and the Turkish ruling circles of the party. Indeed, this circles suggest the cooperation with the two former "members" of the Democratic Party or the "cohabitation" with the Social Democratic Party, whose leadership is seem to be interested to cover two specific ministerial seats.
ANKARA APPROACHES “TAIWAN MODEL”
Nikos Stelgia
Kathimerini 22-8-2010 –exclusive-
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
Recently, Ankara and Turkish Cypriot leadership held a series of statements which warned the Greek Cypriot side and the international public opinion that the Turkish side is studying alternative scenarios in case of the negotiations lead nowhere at the end of this year.
From the perspective of the Turkish Cypriot leadership, which has serious doubts as to its cooperation with the Greek Cypriot side, these statements are part of established policy line. These settings give dimensions on request for "continuity and strengthening of existing structures in the northern part of the island through close cooperation with Ankara." But from the perspective of the Turkish government's new "tough" positions have different objectives and integrated into a different context. The Ankara government circles seem to want to compromise with Nicosia, within the negotiating framework set, a little - less, the Annan Plan and especially in light of a confederal or federal base.
Turkish pro-government think - tanks, such as The Bilgesam, which feed the new strategies the team Ahmet Davutoglu, approaches the "yes" of the Turkish Cypriot society in the Annan Plan as a major concession by the Turkish side. At the same time they blame the Greek Cypriots and the international community for not recognizing the value of the Turkish "concessions." Today, faced with many obstacles in the European integration process based partially to the serious reservations expressed by the Greek Cypriot side, government circles in Ankara made clear that there is a need to form a new "aggressive" foreign policy on Cyprus. As noted above, the main objective remains a compromise with Nicosia in a model which is based on a loose federation, while, it will intensify efforts accession of Turkey to the EU.
Recent reports in the pro-government press and several thesis papers by pro-government think - tanks, recommend strengthening, economic and international level of the northern Cyprus after the referendum of 12th September for the amending of the Turkish constitution. According to this opinion the Greek Cypriot side aim is the integration of the Turkish Cypriots into a state and the removal of Turkey from the island. In contrast to this perspective, Turkey next year will focus on economic and international support for the Turkish Cypriots, Turks say analysts, who chatted with "K".
The new strategy of Ankara on Cyprus
What are the measures of Ankara in terms of economic and international support for the northern part of Cyprus after September? Journalistic sources in Turkey and on the other side of the green line indicate that the Turkish analysts study carefully the case of Taiwan and Kosovo. According to a recent version of the Turkish pro-government newspaper «STAR», Turkey will not focus on the actual recognition of "TRNC". The Turkish side has set a goal to develop diplomatic and economic relations of the Turkish Cypriot side with the international community. Within this context the following steps will be:
• Creation of new T / C 'representations in various capitals, participation of Turkish Cypriots in international structures as observers, recognition of T / C "travel documents" from different countries based on the model of Taiwan
• Financial measures: Attracting foreign capital and developing tourist facilities in the "TRNC"
The Turkish proposal for the adoption of these measures comes at a time when Ankara has imposed a series of economic measures to the Turkish Cypriot side in collaboration with the government of the Party of National Unity. These measures are at the heart of the "privatization" and the development of the action of the emerging Turkish capital in the eastern Mediterranean, particularly in the TRNC. Please note that once the government circles in Ankara studying various scenarios based on the model of Taiwan, Turkish business circles expressed their satisfaction for the first steps of creating a "free trade zone" in the Eastern Mediterranean.
Arslan Mengüç, journalist – researcher, Turkish Cypriot newspaper «VATAN»
"What happens if there is no response to our efforts to resolve the Cyprus issue?. Thiw was the question of Turkish Cypriots to American senators sent shortly before by President Obama in Cyprus. The response of the senators was "in case of failure to resolve the Cyprus problem, you will be able to travel with the passport of the TRNC to Airport JFK». We must point out that the same position expressed in the past byforeign diplomats during the visit of Mehmet Ali Talat in Sweden. And this is because the EU countries no longer want to deal with international problems. In a period of great momentum of the presence of Turkish and Muslim voters in the EU , the Union and the U.S. does not want to see Turkey making alliance with radical Islamist forces in the Middle East. Within this context, comes to the "Taiwan model". The participation of the TRNC in the World Championship Taek Wan Doo is a first sign for the implementation of this model.
Nazar Erişkin, director of news in the Turkish Cypriot news channel «Ada TV»
The discussions within the Party of National Unity to create a new cohabitation, the twists in the Democratic Party and internal upheavals in T / C political scene, is sure to have an impact on negotiations. At the same time, the view that the Cyprus dispute is difficult to be solved under the treatments of leadership Eroglu, prevails in both communities on the island. It is important to state that the circles who claim that Ankara is monitor the developments in Cyprus, discussa "plan B". The same circles associate the project with the issue of direct trade. Under this plan, Ankara will increase the number of diplomatic representatives of the Turkish Cypriot side and make some important steps in the economic field. I think the new twists in the Turkish Cypriot political arena are part of "Plan B" in Ankara. Turkey wants to benefit from the experience of Turgay Avci and Tahsin Ertugruloglu in the diplomatic field.
Friday, August 20, 2010
They worry about the option of “Taiwan model”
Date: 20.08.2010 | 14:35
They worry about the option of “Taiwan model”
Nikos Stelgia
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
The Turkish Cypriot United Cyprus Party, in a statement expressed its concerns and worries about the plans of Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership for the future of Cyprus. According the party's secretariat the final goal of Ankara for northern part of Cyprus is the application of the “model of Taiwan” in Cyprus.
The General Secretariat of the United Cyprus Party stated that the main objective of Ankara is to avoid any unpleasant surprise in December. The party pointed out that Ankara does not want to be seen as with obstructive conduct on the road of the solution to the Cyprus problem with the fear of endangering the European perspective.
The leadership of the United Cyprus Party made it clear that it does not believe that Ankara's goal is to resolve the problem by the end of 2010. Instead, Ankara wants to upgrade the structures of the north. The United Cyprus Party repeated its standing call for a federal solution in the near future.
The Turkish Cypriot left appears puzzled
The United Cyprus Party is not the only Turkish Cypriot political actor who is concerned about the future plans of Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership. Various Marxist and leftist actors share the view that the purpose of Ankara is the “Taiwan model”.
A few days ago, the day of the anniversary of the invasion, the New Cyprus Party was on the streets of Nicosia and demonstrated against the presence of Turkish forces in Cyprus. In response to the slogan of the 1974 invasion as "the Ayşe goes on holiday¨ the party members protested with the slogan" Aishe it is time to return to your homeland ". This demonstration was supported by mobilization of the Turkish Cypriot antimilitarist and feminist movement.
Note that while a portion of the T / C left raising his voice against the plans of Ankara, the largest leftist party, the Republican Turkish Party keeps silent attitude. On the other hand, the protesters within the left formations express serious concern over a lack of interest by the Greek Cypriot side as regards the dynamic bi-communal action.
Ankara insists on high tones
While a portion of the Turkish Cypriot left expresses serious concern about the future of the island, Ankara insists on the high tones in Cyprus. Yesterday, the negotiator for Turkey's EU accession Egemen Bağış urged the EU to press the Greek Cypriot side for a immediate solution.
www.kathimerini.com.cy
Erdogan takes to the court his General
Date: 20.08.2010 | 16:17
Erdogan takes to the court his General
Political tension in a period of controversy for the referendum on constitutional changes
Nikos Stelgia
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
The Turkish public opinion, which recently experienced a political surprise after another, prepares to attend a court battle that will go down in history.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan appealed to court, accusing one of his generalsfor verbal attack and insult.
The lawyers of Mr Erdogan hit the door of the court with category that General Saldiray Berk accused the Prime Minister for high treason. Mr. Burke is one of the generals who faces charges of involvement in plans to overthrow the Turkish government.
The new move by Turkish Prime Minister, comes just days after the meetings of the Supreme Military Council of Turkey. Meetings of the council lasted for several days and there were serious concerns as regards the formation of the higher hierarchy of the Turkish Armed Forces.
According what the Turkish press broadcasts, the Turkish prime minister's lawyers claim that during his speech in 2008 Erzincan, General Berk attacked verbally to Mr Erdogan.
Please note that the political tension in Turkey has peaked ahead of the referendum on constitutional changes.
www.kathimerini.com.cy
Tuesday, August 17, 2010
Cyprus Gay Pride
IMPORTANT NOTE: THE FOLLOWING ARTICLE IS FROM A SOURCE IN FACEBOOK. THE OPINION THAT IS EXPRESSED IN THE ARTICLE BELONGS TO THE WRITER. THE 1917new FOUND IT INTERESTING AND SHARES IT WITH ITS READERS.
LGBT RIGHTS IN CYPRUS
Cyprus is still a socially conservative nation when it comes to homosexuality, as LGBT people are seen as engaging in immoral conduct. However, ever since Cyprus sought membership in the European Union it has had to update its human rights legislation, including its laws regarding sexual orientation and gender identity. But the laws in the occupied northern Cyprus still remain the same.
LAWS AGAINST HOMOSEXUALITY
Male homosexual conduct only (not lesbianism) has been a crime since 1889 when Cyprus was a British colony, and thus like the British law against buggery it was technically silent about female homosexuality or lesbianism. In 1960 Cyprus became a fully independent nation from Britain and still "maintained" the old buggery laws. Then in 1993, a Cypriot architect named Alecos Modinos, active in gay rights since 1979, and in 1987 the founder and subsequently President of AKOK, the "Cypriot Gay Liberation Movement", won his court case under the European Convention on Human Rights that ruled that Section 171 of the Criminal Code of Cyprus violated his right to have a private life. However, Cyprus legislators refused to liberalize their own law, and it was not until Cyprus stood to lose its prospective membership to the European Union that in 1998 Cyprus lawmakers decriminalized homosexual relations between consenting adults in private, but set the age of consent for homosexual conduct at eighteen, while the age of consent for heterosexual conduct was at sixteen. Aside from the unequal age of consent, the new criminal amendments also included discrimination against homosexuals in terms of freedom of speech, expression, assembly and the press. The law also addressed both male and female homosexuality for the first time. In 2000 these provisions were liberalized, but the unequal age of consent remained until 2002 when a new universal age of consent was established at seventeen. Sexual conduct that occurs in public or with a minor is subject to a prison term of five years and in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus male homosexual conduct only (not lesbianism) is still illegal and yet to have the law repealed by a new Criminal Code. On the other hand, the Cyprus military still bars homosexuals from serving under the grounds that homosexuality is a mental illness, and gay sexual conduct can be a crime under military law and the term is 6 months in a military jail although this is rarely if ever enforced.
PROTECTION BASED ON SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Since 2004, Cyprus has implemented an anti-discrimination law (Equal Treatment in Employment and Occupation Law 2004) that explicitly forbids discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in employment. The law was designed to comply with the European Union's Employment Framework Directive of 2000. In 1987/88 the Cypriot Gay Liberation Movement (AKOK, or Apeleftherotiko Kinima Omofilofilon Kiprou) was created. As a LGBT rights organization in the nation it was successful in helping to repeal the civilian criminal prohibitions on homosexuality. In the 1990s some tourists suspected of homosexuality or being infected with HIV were being refused entry or quickly deported. Public opinion on LGBT human rights remains a deeply controversial subject. The Cyprus Orthodox Church is a powerful social and political institution and Archbishop Chrysostomos has frequently stated that homosexuality is immoral and ought to have been kept illegal. Another Orthodox Cyprus priest named Pancratios Meraklis supported the repeal effort, and publicly stated that he was infected with HIV, although denied that he was a homosexual. In 1996 a criminal trial against Meraklis for sodomy, caused serious rioting that stopped the trial, and Meraklis had been named as a possible bishop, but had been blocked by Chrysostomos who believes that Meraklis is a homosexual and that AIDS can be spread through casual conduct, comments which irked public health experts and the more liberal Cyprus citizens. In 2003 a twenty-eight year old Cyprus man was barred from getting a driver's license because he was "psychologically unstable." The man had been discharged from the military for homosexuality, which the military classifies as a mental illness. In 2007, Initiative Against Homophobia established in Northern Cyprus and deal with the rights of LGBT people in Cyprus. The initiative presented proposal of criminal law to president of Parliament Fatma Ekenoglu in 25th of April 2008. RECOGNITION OF SAME-SEX COUPLES Cyprus only recognizes a marriage between a man and a woman. The nation does not recognize same-sex marriages, civil unions or domestic partnerships. NIGHTLIFE The "gay scene" in Cyprus grows year by year. Gay bars/clubs are found in 3 cities, including "Different", and gay friendly Kaliwas Lounge in Paphos, "Alaloum", "Jackare", the new "X-Live" club and "π" cafe in Limassol, the newly refurnished gay club "Secrets" in Larnaca. Unfortunately "Bianco", Nicosia's gay club closed its doors in autumn 2006. Nicosia has other gay friendly clubs such as Scorpios and Versus, and gay friendly cafes such as Oktana and Room 27. OPINION A recent survey (2006) showed that 75% of Cypriots disapprove of homosexuality, and many still think that it can be 'cured'. A 2006 EU poll revealed that only 14% of Cypriots would be in favor for same-sex marriage, 10% for authorizing for adoption.
Silence! Davutoğlu speaking! ...
Date: 17.08.2010 | 10:40
Silence! Davutoğlu speaking! ...
Nikos Stelgia
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
One year after rising to the rank of Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, Ahmet Davutoglu, remains central to the analysis of the international press. In Greece and Cyprus, a significant portion of the Media and analysts are watching very carefully the positions of Mr. Davutoglu.
The official news agency, the state broadcasting and other media in the country follow scrupulously the daily statements of Turkish Foreign Minister. The reporters and various columnists come to give "prophetic" dimension to these statements. In a period where there is ignorance about the actions and intentions of Turkey, terms like "strategic depth" are converted with ease in terms of key - providing the illusion of scientific analysis and evidence- study of modern Turkey. The fragmentary reading of statements by Mr. Davutoglu lead, or perhaps it serves, particular ideological abuse and opens the door to false conclusions with regard to Turkish society ...
Strategic depth or sociopolitical impasse?
The scientific work on "strategic depth" by Davutoglu is now the main tool of analysis for a portion of the Greek and Cypriot community journalism. The Turkish Foreign Minister talks about the importance of closer relations between his country's neighbors to the east. According to him, his country should upgrade ıts scope in the wider region: Iran, Iraq, Syria, Mediterranean ... Turkey should make its presence felt ...
The above position came in a period when relations between Turkey and the EU characterized by stagnation. After 2005 the European countries like France and Germany have clearly expressed their objections to Turkey joining the EU. For its part, the government of Justice and Development Party, is showing signs of fatigue with regard to the country's European course. At a time when the ruling party feels it has secured its position in power, Ankara looks to neighbors in the region. A year ago, when Mr. Davutoglu took the Turkish foreign ministry, a strategic change in Turkish foreign policy was underway.
Lack of enthusiasm for the EU accession and turn to closer relations with neighboring countries such as Iran, Syria, Lebanon and the Arab countries ... What kind of strategic depth is this? Ankara's cooperation with Iran is about the control of the movement of Kurdish secession. Beyond this context, relations of Tehran - Ankara are full of questions. Regarding Syria, the cooperation is the starting point for the difficult international image of Damascus. Just a few years, Washington has characterized Syria as a country - a member of the "axis of evil". After the tragic events in Lebanon, Syria is desperately seeking an ally. Today, Turkey has become the much desired ally. But from the perspective of Turkey are still many unanswered questions. What kind of economic and strategic benefits will result from the cooperation with Damascus? Many Turkish officials are unable to respond to this question, which is the case for closer ties with Lebanon and Arab countries. An experienced Turkish diplomat shares with us his concern: "The European project has paved the way for the modernization of economic and political structures. Apart from the petrodollars what has to offer us the cooperation with the wider area and totalitarian regimes?.
A strategic depth, with many unanswered questions regarding the application of the doctrine of foreign policy in practice ... But the picture is not different on the inside. The government of the Justice and Development Party, which wants to develop to the range of the country in the Middle East is face to face with many open fronts and unanswered questions. The time that Mr. Davutoglu took the reins of the Foreign Ministry, the party spoke for many openings on various issues. Open in Kurdistan, opening the question of rights Alevidon opening in improving the political structures, etc. One year after an internal picture remains bleak. Frustrated by their clumsy handling of the government, the Kurds put to the table the autonomy issue. The Alevides remember with bitterness and frustration the obstruction of the government in terms of closing the grill house in Sivas, which was the site where burnt alive 37 Alevides intellectuals because of a fire that had been put by extremists elements in 1993.
And perhaps worst of all ... At a time when Mr. Davutoglu speaks of "strategic depth" and many Greek and Cypriot analysts talk about Turkey's shift to the new – othomanism, the Turkish woman is seeking exit from the social crisis through suicide. As your are informed by magazine “K” last week, in just 20 days 37 girls opened the window or balcony door and looked for salvation from the suffering by making the last step in the gap ...
Strategic depth ... At the time of writing this article, a twenty year student at University, which is considered the brilliant brain of the country, said goodbye to this world from the windows of her house. In just one month 38 Turkish women chose suicide ...
Big visions are likely to be promoted in isolation from social and political reality. But analysis can not afford to ignore this reality and should not be locked in ideological abuse. Fast conclusions are bad for your mental balance and clarity of mind ...
www.kathimerini.com.cy
Monday, August 16, 2010
παλαιστινιακή σημαία στην Ακρόπολη
PALESTINIAN FLAG IN ACRAPOLIS FOR THE VISIT OF NETENYAHU IN ATHENS 16-8-2010...
THE REAL PROPERTY QUESTION IN CYPRUS
THE REAL PROPERTY QUESTION IN CYPRUS
AN INSIGHTFUL INTERVIEW WITH TURKISH CYPRIOT ADVOCATE BARIS MAMALI
By Niko Stelgia
Kathimerini Newspaper 14-8-2010
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
The legal office of Baris Mamali is located in Nicosia, the street where they are also the T / C Bar Association and many other lawyers office. The last Tuesday there I have a discussion with great cordiality and willingness with mr. Mamali He is a Turkish Cypriot scholar who stands out. His views and positions are scientifically substantiated and not based on narrow margins ethnocentric approaches. It is a lawyer who indulge in various aspects of Cypriot life. In his biography distinguishes his tenure as president of T / C Bar, and a the foundation that supports the superiority of law and promote the modernization of Turkish Cypriot structures.
• What is your view on the current impasse in the property issue? With the assistance of what factors reached the point where we are today?
The Turkish intervention in Cyprus in 1974 is a historic turning point in the property issue. Then it had been created a new regime in the south and the north of Cyprus. After 1974, the Turkish side did not follow a correct political line on the property issue. The fact that the Turkish side did not take account the international law created the current impasse in the property issue. Besides, that's why the decisions of international courts condemn Turkey. Turkey has ignored the human rights treaties. I emphasize the fact that in September 1974 the Prosecutor and the President of the so called Supreme Court, the judicial structure of the north, have recommended to the Turkish Cypriot leadership not to change and should not affect the status of Greek Cypriot properties in the north. But the Turkish Cypriot leadership neglected this advice and proceeded to the usurpation of Greek Cypriot property. Regardless the European law, the Turkish Cypriot side's decision in 1977, began the distribution of Greek Cypriot property to settlers and Turkish Cypriots. This arbitrariness was held on the claim that the north of Cyprus is a separate state. Unlike the north, in the south the government has used the Turkish property in a lawful manner. To the north, the Constitution of 1985 enshrined the decision of 1977. And in 1995-1996 began granting of title deeds of Greek Cypriot properties. The government began to grant stems. Faced with this situation, the Greek Cypriot side, on the pretext of human rights violations, brought the issue to the European Court of Human Rights. The court vindicated the Greek Cypriot side and the Loizidou decision changed the property question. Despite the new developments, the Turkish side continued to follow the wrong line. Eg The Turkish side was slow to deal with the Loizidou case. But this case is now at the center of the property issue and the Turkish side has not reached the level of specific cases. And while the reaction of the Turkish side was slow, followed other cases which condemned the Turkish side. These decisions stressed the fact that legally the north part of Cyprus is under the Turkish occupation and a vice governship of Turkey.
• At the same time what was the response of the government of Cyprus regarding the Turkish Cypriot properties?
The government leased property or confiscated. There is a problem with seizures. The government must pay compensation. And if it does not, the Turkish Cypriots should appeal to the European Court of Human Rights. But the Turkish Cypriot side does not urges the Turkish Cypriots in that direction.
• In 2006 the Government of the Justice and Development Party has founded the compensation committee and exchange. In your opinion, what were and still are reasons to change Turkey's attitude?
In answer to your question from the outset I must emphasize the fact that Turkey did not recognize the decision on the Loizidou case until 2003. The Turkish governments were unwilling to accept the consequences of wrong policies. But that changed with the rise of the Justice and Development Party to power in 2003. In that time the initiative of the Turkish government was correct. Turkey did not have the luxury of ignoring a court decision which recognizes itself. Acknowledging the decision on the Loizidou case, Turkey was faced with a huge amount of compensation. Turkey was unable to meet the payment of such compensation. This paves the way for ratification of the European court. At this point, Turkey has decided to delay the resolution, and in 2006 went to the establishment of the compensation committee. The main objective of Ankara was to find a valid argument. Ankara wanted to send the message: "I admit that I made a mistake and I want to compensate establishing this committee, which will be the first step towards the normalization of property issues by the ECHR¨. This message, found a response from the ECHR. At the same time, Turkey has admitted the occupation of Greek Cypriot properties and indirectly the fact that there is no TRNC. Furthermore, forced to take responsibility for the damages. Opening a parenthesis, it is not clear whether the burden of compensation will go to Turkey or the Turkish Cypriot side. But the truth is that last time Turkey took an initiative to strengthen its position in the European area.
• Above we see that the decisions of the ECHR does not signify the recognition of "TRNC". Instead they talk about the vice governship of north of Cyprus. Is that correct?
I totally agree. Besides the ECHR is very attentive and stresses that it does not recognize the TRNC. The committee is a temporary measure to Turkey. And this scheme is to change the course so far in the asset, in accordance with the priorities of Turkey.
• It is understood that Ankara is trying to manage the property issue and the effects with various maneuvers? Such behavior does not signal commitment to resolve the issue ...
Of course I agree ... And I ask? The committee what has changed? What decisions of the ECHR changed? None, whatsoever. Nothing has changed in the property issue. Instead, Turkey recognized the Greek Cypriot property titles to the north, the violation of such securities, the non-existence of the TRNC, its own control in the north as well as its own wrongdoing.
• What is your opinion as regards the approach of the Greek Cypriot side to the "committee"?
The Greek Cypriots do not want to confront the structures of the north. But in doing so comes at a high risk. In case that Greek Cypriot side continues to ignore the decision of the ECHR and the Committee, in future the Greek Cypriot side will not be able to appeal to the ECHR. Because now the ECHR considers that it is a compulsory requirement. The ECHR now asks: "referral to the Committee prior to ask for my decision on your case?" If not, the ECHR no longer accept requests for ongoing litigation cases . But unfortunately the Greek Cypriot side thinks in political terms. It attaches importance to the legal process. This is a wrong attitude. Besides why retaining doubts about the committee? Already stressed that nothing has changed with regard to the irregularities of Turkey in Cyprus and the decisions of the ECHR. The side with the larger errors in the asset is Turkish. And this is an undeniable reality.
• The new Turkish Cypriot leadership attaches great importance to the exchange of property. Do you think this is a viable asset in question? The Turkish Cypriot side has the opportunity to meet the legal and economic terms?
This question is very timely and touches an important aspect of the whole issue. Emphasize the fact that the Turkish Cypriot side can not meet the level of compensation and can not guarantee the proper functioning of the compensation. The composition of the committee is wrong. The five members are bureaucrats and two of them are foreign lawyers who are not staying in Cyprus. On the other hand, according to the recent decision of the ECHR, Turkey should announce that bear the economic cost of damages. Turkey had to reassure the Turkish Cypriot side. But that has not happened. Today the burden of running the committee fell into administration in the north. In case of bigger number of appeals to committee, the administration is unable to guarantee the legitimate and proper functioning of the committee. In this case the Greek Cypriots have the right to appeal to European court to condemn the Turkish side. Then Turkey other than the compensation will be faced with penalties to be associated with the legal procedural violations. The ECHR may decide on a fair trial of cases.
• According to your approach as the Greek Cypriot side so the Turkish Cypriot side gives priority to the political line and ignores the legal part of the whole case ...
Of course there is a disregard for the legal aspect. But we must not forget that the legal approach of the whole case can not be made based on political intentions.
• What is your opinion as regards the negotiations between the two leaders on the property issue?
The Turkish Cypriot leadership is focused on compensation. But the Greek Cypriot side seeks the return of property. I my opinion in terms of damages and the financial burden, the T / C side is in wrong way.
• It is understood that a solution to the Cyprus problem must be followed by the reorganization of all Turkish Cypriot structures? Is that correct?
In the present circumstances, in case of a immediate solution, the Turkish Cypriot side will be faced with crises in many fields. It ıs very likely the collapsion of all the existing structures. The Turkish Cypriot side should review the policies and advance reforms.
AN INSIGHTFUL INTERVIEW WITH TURKISH CYPRIOT ADVOCATE BARIS MAMALI
By Niko Stelgia
Kathimerini Newspaper 14-8-2010
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
The legal office of Baris Mamali is located in Nicosia, the street where they are also the T / C Bar Association and many other lawyers office. The last Tuesday there I have a discussion with great cordiality and willingness with mr. Mamali He is a Turkish Cypriot scholar who stands out. His views and positions are scientifically substantiated and not based on narrow margins ethnocentric approaches. It is a lawyer who indulge in various aspects of Cypriot life. In his biography distinguishes his tenure as president of T / C Bar, and a the foundation that supports the superiority of law and promote the modernization of Turkish Cypriot structures.
• What is your view on the current impasse in the property issue? With the assistance of what factors reached the point where we are today?
The Turkish intervention in Cyprus in 1974 is a historic turning point in the property issue. Then it had been created a new regime in the south and the north of Cyprus. After 1974, the Turkish side did not follow a correct political line on the property issue. The fact that the Turkish side did not take account the international law created the current impasse in the property issue. Besides, that's why the decisions of international courts condemn Turkey. Turkey has ignored the human rights treaties. I emphasize the fact that in September 1974 the Prosecutor and the President of the so called Supreme Court, the judicial structure of the north, have recommended to the Turkish Cypriot leadership not to change and should not affect the status of Greek Cypriot properties in the north. But the Turkish Cypriot leadership neglected this advice and proceeded to the usurpation of Greek Cypriot property. Regardless the European law, the Turkish Cypriot side's decision in 1977, began the distribution of Greek Cypriot property to settlers and Turkish Cypriots. This arbitrariness was held on the claim that the north of Cyprus is a separate state. Unlike the north, in the south the government has used the Turkish property in a lawful manner. To the north, the Constitution of 1985 enshrined the decision of 1977. And in 1995-1996 began granting of title deeds of Greek Cypriot properties. The government began to grant stems. Faced with this situation, the Greek Cypriot side, on the pretext of human rights violations, brought the issue to the European Court of Human Rights. The court vindicated the Greek Cypriot side and the Loizidou decision changed the property question. Despite the new developments, the Turkish side continued to follow the wrong line. Eg The Turkish side was slow to deal with the Loizidou case. But this case is now at the center of the property issue and the Turkish side has not reached the level of specific cases. And while the reaction of the Turkish side was slow, followed other cases which condemned the Turkish side. These decisions stressed the fact that legally the north part of Cyprus is under the Turkish occupation and a vice governship of Turkey.
• At the same time what was the response of the government of Cyprus regarding the Turkish Cypriot properties?
The government leased property or confiscated. There is a problem with seizures. The government must pay compensation. And if it does not, the Turkish Cypriots should appeal to the European Court of Human Rights. But the Turkish Cypriot side does not urges the Turkish Cypriots in that direction.
• In 2006 the Government of the Justice and Development Party has founded the compensation committee and exchange. In your opinion, what were and still are reasons to change Turkey's attitude?
In answer to your question from the outset I must emphasize the fact that Turkey did not recognize the decision on the Loizidou case until 2003. The Turkish governments were unwilling to accept the consequences of wrong policies. But that changed with the rise of the Justice and Development Party to power in 2003. In that time the initiative of the Turkish government was correct. Turkey did not have the luxury of ignoring a court decision which recognizes itself. Acknowledging the decision on the Loizidou case, Turkey was faced with a huge amount of compensation. Turkey was unable to meet the payment of such compensation. This paves the way for ratification of the European court. At this point, Turkey has decided to delay the resolution, and in 2006 went to the establishment of the compensation committee. The main objective of Ankara was to find a valid argument. Ankara wanted to send the message: "I admit that I made a mistake and I want to compensate establishing this committee, which will be the first step towards the normalization of property issues by the ECHR¨. This message, found a response from the ECHR. At the same time, Turkey has admitted the occupation of Greek Cypriot properties and indirectly the fact that there is no TRNC. Furthermore, forced to take responsibility for the damages. Opening a parenthesis, it is not clear whether the burden of compensation will go to Turkey or the Turkish Cypriot side. But the truth is that last time Turkey took an initiative to strengthen its position in the European area.
• Above we see that the decisions of the ECHR does not signify the recognition of "TRNC". Instead they talk about the vice governship of north of Cyprus. Is that correct?
I totally agree. Besides the ECHR is very attentive and stresses that it does not recognize the TRNC. The committee is a temporary measure to Turkey. And this scheme is to change the course so far in the asset, in accordance with the priorities of Turkey.
• It is understood that Ankara is trying to manage the property issue and the effects with various maneuvers? Such behavior does not signal commitment to resolve the issue ...
Of course I agree ... And I ask? The committee what has changed? What decisions of the ECHR changed? None, whatsoever. Nothing has changed in the property issue. Instead, Turkey recognized the Greek Cypriot property titles to the north, the violation of such securities, the non-existence of the TRNC, its own control in the north as well as its own wrongdoing.
• What is your opinion as regards the approach of the Greek Cypriot side to the "committee"?
The Greek Cypriots do not want to confront the structures of the north. But in doing so comes at a high risk. In case that Greek Cypriot side continues to ignore the decision of the ECHR and the Committee, in future the Greek Cypriot side will not be able to appeal to the ECHR. Because now the ECHR considers that it is a compulsory requirement. The ECHR now asks: "referral to the Committee prior to ask for my decision on your case?" If not, the ECHR no longer accept requests for ongoing litigation cases . But unfortunately the Greek Cypriot side thinks in political terms. It attaches importance to the legal process. This is a wrong attitude. Besides why retaining doubts about the committee? Already stressed that nothing has changed with regard to the irregularities of Turkey in Cyprus and the decisions of the ECHR. The side with the larger errors in the asset is Turkish. And this is an undeniable reality.
• The new Turkish Cypriot leadership attaches great importance to the exchange of property. Do you think this is a viable asset in question? The Turkish Cypriot side has the opportunity to meet the legal and economic terms?
This question is very timely and touches an important aspect of the whole issue. Emphasize the fact that the Turkish Cypriot side can not meet the level of compensation and can not guarantee the proper functioning of the compensation. The composition of the committee is wrong. The five members are bureaucrats and two of them are foreign lawyers who are not staying in Cyprus. On the other hand, according to the recent decision of the ECHR, Turkey should announce that bear the economic cost of damages. Turkey had to reassure the Turkish Cypriot side. But that has not happened. Today the burden of running the committee fell into administration in the north. In case of bigger number of appeals to committee, the administration is unable to guarantee the legitimate and proper functioning of the committee. In this case the Greek Cypriots have the right to appeal to European court to condemn the Turkish side. Then Turkey other than the compensation will be faced with penalties to be associated with the legal procedural violations. The ECHR may decide on a fair trial of cases.
• According to your approach as the Greek Cypriot side so the Turkish Cypriot side gives priority to the political line and ignores the legal part of the whole case ...
Of course there is a disregard for the legal aspect. But we must not forget that the legal approach of the whole case can not be made based on political intentions.
• What is your opinion as regards the negotiations between the two leaders on the property issue?
The Turkish Cypriot leadership is focused on compensation. But the Greek Cypriot side seeks the return of property. I my opinion in terms of damages and the financial burden, the T / C side is in wrong way.
• It is understood that a solution to the Cyprus problem must be followed by the reorganization of all Turkish Cypriot structures? Is that correct?
In the present circumstances, in case of a immediate solution, the Turkish Cypriot side will be faced with crises in many fields. It ıs very likely the collapsion of all the existing structures. The Turkish Cypriot side should review the policies and advance reforms.
Saturday, August 14, 2010
Ο ΠΑΡΑΣΚΗΝΙΑΚΟΣ ΠΡΩΘΥΠΟΥΡΓΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑΣ
Ο ΠΑΡΑΣΚΗΝΙΑΚΟΣ ΠΡΩΘΥΠΟΥΡΓΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΑΣ
Του Νίκου Στέλγια
Καθημερινή 14-8-2010
Το 1946 ήταν ένα σπουδαίο έτος για την Τουρκία. Μετά το τέλος του Β’ Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου η ηγεσία του Ρεπουμπλικανικού Λαϊκού Κόμματος είχε πάρει την μεγάλη απόφαση να ενταχθεί στο δυτικό, νατοϊκό μπλοκ. Ενώ στο εσωτερικό της χώρας θα δρομολογούσε τον εκδημοκρατισμό των πολιτικών δομών. Η χώρα ήταν έτοιμη να μετεξελιχθεί σε μια αστική δημοκρατία, σύμφωνα με τα δυτικά πρότυπα. Οι αντιπολιτευόμενες μερίδες εντός του Λαϊκού Κόμματος, καθώς και οι συντηρητικές πολιτικές δυνάμεις, οι οποίες είχαν περιθωριοποιηθεί κατά τις πρώτες δεκαετίες της ίδρυσης της δημοκρατίας, το 1946 ετοιμάζονταν να εισέλθουν εκ νέου στην πολιτική αρένα.
Το 1946, στην κεντρική Ανατολή και συγκεκριμένα στην Γιοζγκάτη, ατένιζε το πολιτικό μέλλον της χώρας του γεμάτος ελπίδα, ένας από τους μεγάλους προεστούς της περιοχής, ο Χατζί Αχμέτ Μπέη, του οποίου η οικογένεια πριν από δυο δεκαετίες είχε υποστηρίξει τις δυνάμεις της κυβέρνησης της Άγκυρας και του Μουσταφά Κεμάλ. Στα μέσα της δεκαετίας 40΄ ήταν έτοιμος να «εξαργυρώσει» πολιτικά το αντίκρισμα της συμβολής του στην μεγάλη εθνική προσπάθεια της χώρας του. Αυτές οι προσδοκίες, το 1946, συνοδεύτηκαν από ένα χαρμόσυνο συμβάν, την γέννηση του γιου του, Τζεμίλ, του σημερινού παρασκηνιακού πρωθυπουργού της Τουρκίας…
Ο Τζεμίλ μεγάλωσε στην Γιοζκάτη απολαμβάνοντας την οικονομική ευχέρεια της οικογένειας του. Μετά την αποφοίτηση του από το λύκειο, σπούδασε στην Νομική Σχολή του Πανεπιστημίου της Κωνσταντινούπολης. Την περίοδο που οι τουρκικές ένοπλες δυνάμεις ανάτρεψαν το Δημοκρατικό Κόμμα και έστειλαν στην κρεμάλα τον πρωθυπουργό Αντνάν Μεντερές, ο Τζεμίλ Τσιτσέκ ξεκινούσε την δικηγορική του καριέρα. Το όραμα για μια αναπτυγμένη καπιταλιστική χώρα με συντηρητικές αξίες, στο οποίο αφιέρωσε την ζωή του ο Χατζί Αχμέτ Μπέη, είχε ακόμη ελπίδες για επικράτηση στο τουρκικό πολιτικό σκηνικό, παρά το σύντομο διάλλειμα του πραξικοπήματος της δεκαετίας 60΄. Ο νεαρός δικηγόρος στηριζόμενος στο κοινωνικό στάτους της οικογενείας του, την δεκαετία 70΄ πέρασε στην πολιτική δράση μέσα από το κίνημα των Γκρίζων Λύκων και το Κόμμα του Εθνικιστικού Κινήματος (ΜΗP). Σε μια περίοδο που μεγάλες μερίδες της Τουρκίας χαιρετούσαν την «δεύτερη άλωση της Πράσινης Νήσου», δηλαδή της Κύπρου, σε πολύ νεαρή ηλικία, ο κ. Τσιτσέκ εκλέχθηκε στο αξίωμα του δήμαρχου της Γιοζκάτης. Στους κόλπους των Γκρίζων Λύκων, τα κομματικά στελέχη ήταν ενθουσιασμένα με τον ζήλο και την αυταπάρνηση που επιδείκνυε ο νεαρός δήμαρχος. Σε μια περίοδο, που το αριστερό κίνημα γνώριζε άνοδο στην Τουρκία, στο πρόσωπο του κ. Τσιτσέκ είχαν βρει έναν υπερασπιστή των εθνικών και θρησκευτικών ιδεωδών.
Το πραξικόπημα του 1980 ήρθε να δώσει ώθηση στον πολιτικό ζήλο του κ. Τσιτσέκ. Σε μια περίοδο που η στρατιωτική χούντα ξερίζωσε με βίαιο τρόπο από την γη της Ανατολής τις διαφορετικές εκφάνσεις του μαρξισμού, ο κ. Τσιτσέκ ήταν έτοιμος να ενταχθεί σε οποιοδήποτε πολιτικό κίνημα εγγυόταν την ομαλή λειτουργία της ελεύθερης αγοράς και την εδραίωση των συντηρητικών κοινωνικών αξίων στην χώρα. Το 1983 ο κ. Τσιτσέκ βρήκε στέγη στο κίνημα του Τουργκούτ Οζάλ και στο Κόμμα της Μητέρας Πατρίδας (ANAP). Στα τέλη της δεκαετίας 80΄, με την υποστήριξη του κ. Οζάλ, ο κ. Τσιτσέκ από δήμαρχο των Γκρίζων Λύκων, μετεξελίχθηκε σε βασικό στέλεχος του ANAP και σε υπουργό αρμόδιο για θέματα οικογένειας και γυναίκας. Ο νέος υπουργός της Τουρκίας άφησε στην κυριολεξία άφωνη την τουρκική κοινή γνώμη δηλώνοντας ότι «το φλερτ είναι ένα είδος πορνείας». Παράλληλα, κατάβαλλε προσπάθειες για να αναδείξει στην πολιτική σκηνή προσωπικότητες οι οποίες σήμερα διαδραματίζουν ρόλους – κλειδιά στην τουρκική πολιτική σκηνή. Ο νυν δήμαρχος της Άγκυρας Μελίχ Γκιοκτσέκ είναι μόνο μια από αυτές τις προσωπικότητες… Την ίδια περίοδο, με παρασκηνιακές κινήσεις, ο κ. Τσιτσέκ καθώς και άλλα στελέχη του ANAP κατέβαλλαν προσπάθειες για την αναβάθμιση του πολιτικού ρόλου των θρησκευτικών ταγμάτων.
Σε αντίθεση με τις δυο προηγούμενες δεκαετίες, η δεκαετία 90΄ έφερε μεγάλες αναταραχές στην πολιτική διαδρομή του κ. Τσιτσέκ. Πρώτα ήρθε ο θάνατος του πολιτικού καθοδηγητή του, του Τουργκούτ Οζάλ. Ενώ στην συνέχεια ακολούθησε η αποδυνάμωση και η σταδιακή διάλυση του ANAP. Έτσι, το δεύτερο μισό του 90΄ ο κ. Τσιτσέκ άλλαξε πολιτικό στρατόπεδο και εντάχθηκε στο κίνημα του Νετζμεττίν Ερμπακάν. Η νέα πολιτική περιπέτεια διήρκησε ένα μικρό χρονικό διάστημα. Ο κ. Τσιτσέκ ήρθε σε σύγκρουση με τον κ. Ερμπακάν και τους συντρόφους του ως προς τον τρόπο επίτευξης της καπιταλιστικής ανάπτυξης στην Τουρκία. Το όραμα του κ. Τσιτσέκ διέφερε από τις κλασικές εκφάνσεις του πολιτικού Ισλάμ: Μια Τουρκία οικονομικά αναπτυγμένη σύμφωνα με τα δυτικά πρότυπα, η οποία θα συνεργάζεται και δεν θα συγκρούεται με τις μεγάλες δυτικές δυνάμεις και η οποία θα βασίζεται σε συντηρητικές αξίες που θα εμποδίζουν την εμφάνιση μαρξιστικών ή αυτονομιστικών (Κουρδικών) τάσεων στην τουρκική πολιτική σκηνή. Στα τέλη της δεκαετίας 90΄, μετά από μια σειρά αποτυχημένων προσπαθειών ίδρυσης ενός πολιτικού κόμματος, στράφηκε προς τον κ. Ρετζέπ Ταγγίπ Ερντογάν, αναζητώντας συνεργάτες στην πραγματοποίηση του οράματος του. Το Κόμμα Δικαιοσύνης και Ανάπτυξης (ΑΚΠ) ήταν έτοιμο να βαδίσει στον δρόμο που έδειχνε ο κ. Τσιτσέκ…
Τα τελευταία επτά χρόνια υπήρξαν τα πιο πετυχημένα στην πολιτική καριέρα του κ. Τσιτσέκ. Με την άνοδο του ΑΚΠ στην εξουσία το 2002, ο ίδιος βρέθηκε στο Υπουργείο Δικαιοσύνης και πραγματοποίησε μια σειρά αποτελεσματικών βημάτων για την αντιμετώπιση του Κουρδικού Ζητήματος και τον απόλυτο έλεγχο των τουρκικών φυλακών. Παράλληλα, εξασφάλισε την επικοινωνία του κόμματος του με τις ένοπλες δυνάμεις. Μια μερίδα των στρατηγών, με τους οποίους μοιράζεται το ίδιο όραμα, βρήκαν στο πρόσωπο του κ. Τσιτσέκ έναν έντιμο συνεργάτη. Στη συνέχεια, ο κ. Τσιτσέκ έγινε αντιπρόεδρος της κυβέρνησης και αρμόδιος για την διαχείριση δυο σημαντικών θεμάτων: Την εσωτερική ασφάλεια και την Κύπρο. Το τέλος αυτής της δεκαετίας βρίσκει τον κ. Τσιτσέκ στο ζενίθ της πολιτικής καριέρας του. Τι και αν τα φώτα της δημοσιότητας έχουν πέσει πάνω στον κ. Ερντογάν; Ο κ. Τσιτσέκ είναι ο παρασκηνιακός πρωθυπουργός της Τουρκίας…
THE GREEK WHO HAD BEEN APLAUDED BY TURKISH FANS
THE GREEK WHO HAD BEEN APLAUDED BY TURKISH FANS
By Niko Stelgia
Magazine “K” 14-8-2010
IMPORTANT STATEMENT: -THE TRANSLANTION IS BASED ON GOOGLE TRANSLATE. PLEASE BE PATIENT WITH POSSIBLE INACCURACIES. THANK YOU-
In early 1925 the former Constantinople, capital of a great empire, the city of cities, gave battle to adjust to the new times. A few months ago, in mid-1924 the new republican government had moved to abolish the institution of the caliph. The new republic of Turkey have made decisive steps to consolidate its sovereignty of the lands of Asia Minor and the East. During this time Istanbul said goodbye to the imperial glory. And in a poor district of Istanbul, came into the world a Greek children. Father of the baby was a Greek fisherman who is defying the social norms fervently falling in love with a Turkish woman. This love at first sight gave birth to ten children. One of these was Lefteris, who was born in 1925.
In the decade 30, the bachelor Lefteris grew and matured in Istanbul along with his favorite ball. Football was his favorite sport. The society observed with admiration the young talent.
Based on the great love of football at a very young age, the son of Greek and the Turkish fisherman, began to play in top clubs in Istanbul. The first important milestone was the Taksimspor. Then came the transfer to the famous group of the East, Diyarbekirspor. In 1947 came the big moment for Lefteris and Turkish football fans. A former Imperial Football Club, the pride of football in Asia Minor, Fenerbahce opened the gates and welcomed in the Greek Lefteris football team. This was followed by 615 glorious games. With 423 goals Lefteris disrupted for 17 years the stands of Fener and entire Turkey. For years the flags of Fener and Turkish flags waving in the stadium to welcome the great Greek football talent in Istanbul ...
What a talent! The Turks called it "the teacher of football." Hymns were written for the number 10. The successful and busy career goals in Fener followed with 46 appearances and 22 goals in the national team of Turkey. To the great disappointment of the Greek fans, one of them found the networks of the Greek national team. It is said that the Lefter tricked the players shouting "let the ball to me." The Greeks fooled. And Lefteris was the first and only ethnic Greek Turkish footballer who wowed the national networks in Greece ...
The legendary course and magical career in Fener, followed a successful path to teams like Fiorentina, Nice and AEK. The offensive talent paved the way for a successful trainer in the state and Egaleo Johanesburg South Africa ...
Today 85old Lefteris lives in Pringipo (Buyukada) and looks anxiously to fight of Fener, against PAOK Thessaloniki. This is a game of fate. A legend in Istanbul looks the anguish of a young child, the appointment of two European teams reign ... The soul is painted in blue and yellow colors, the colors of the Turkish football legend of Fener. But at the same time, one of the great football talents of the 20th century greets Thessaloniki ... Our whishes for the upcoming match Fener with PAOK, are one: The winner must be the nostalgia for other very different times ... After all, the words chauvinism and fanaticism find the son of the Greek fisherman indifferent...
Ο ΕΛΛΗΝΑΣ ΠΟΥ ΧΕΙΡΟΚΡΟΤΗΣΑΝ ΟΙ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΚΕΣ ΚΕΡΚΙΔΕΣ
Ο ΕΛΛΗΝΑΣ ΠΟΥ ΧΕΙΡΟΚΡΟΤΗΣΑΝ ΟΙ ΤΟΥΡΚΙΚΕΣ ΚΕΡΚΙΔΕΣ
ΠΕΡΙΟΔΙΚΟ "Κ" 14-8-2010
Του Νίκου Στέλγια
Στις αρχές του 1925 η πρώην βασιλεύουσα μιας μεγάλης αυτοκρατορίας, η Πόλη των πόλεων, η Κωνσταντινούπολη έδινε μάχη για να προσαρμοστεί στις επιταγές των νέων εποχών. Λίγους μήνες πριν, στα μέσα του 1924, η νέα κυβέρνηση της δημοκρατίας, είχε προχωρήσει στην κατάργηση του χαλιφικού θεσμού. Η νέα δημοκρατία της Τουρκίας πραγματοποιούσε αποφασιστικά βήματα με σκοπό να εδραιώσει την κυριαρχία της στην γη της Μικρής Ασίας και της Ανατολής. Την περίοδο που η Κωνσταντινούπολη αποχαιρετούσε την αυτοκρατορική της δόξα, σε μια υποβαθμισμένη συνοικία της, ήρθε στον κόσμο ένα ελληνόπουλο. Πατέρας του βρέφους ήταν ένας Έλληνας ψαράς ο οποίος αψηφώντας τις κοινωνικές νόρμες ερωτεύτηκε κεραυνοβόλα μια Τουρκάλα. Αυτός ο κεραυνοβόλος έρωτας έφερε στον κόσμο δέκα παιδιά. Ένα από αυτά ήταν ο Λευτέρης, ο οποίος γεννήθηκε το 1925.
Την δεκαετία 30΄, ο εργένης Λευτέρης μεγάλωσε και ωρίμασε στην Κωνσταντινούπολη παρέα με την αγαπημένη του μπάλα. Το ποδόσφαιρο ήταν το αγαπημένο άθλημα του. Το περιβάλλον του παρατηρούσε με θαυμασμό το νέο ταλέντο να εξελίσσεται και να θριαμβέβει στην επίθεση των νεανικών ομάδων της Κωνσταντινούπολης.
Με βάση την μεγάλη αγάπη για το ποδόσφαιρο, σε πολύ νεαρή ηλικία, ο υιός του Έλληνα ψαρά και της Τουρκάλας, ξεκίνησε να αγωνίζεται σε κορυφαίες ποδοσφαιρικές ομάδες της Κωνσταντινούπολης. Πρώτος σημαντικός σταθμός υπήρξε η Τάξιμσπορ. Στην συνέχεια ήρθε η μεταγραφή στην φημισμένη ομάδα της Ανατολής, στην Ντιγιάρμπεκιρσπορ. Ενώ, το 1947 ήρθε η μεγάλη στιγμή για τον Λευτέρη και τους Τούρκους ποδοσφαιρόφιλους. Ο πρώην αυτοκρατορικός ποδοσφαιρικός όμιλος, το καμάρι του ποδοσφαίρου στην Μικρή Ασία, η Φενέρμπαχτσε άνοιξε της πύλες της και υποδέχθηκε τον Έλληνα Λευτέρη στην ποδοσφαιρική της ομάδα. Ακολούθησαν 615 ένδοξοι αγώνες. Με 423 γκολ ο Λευτέρης αναστάτωσε για 17 ολόκληρα χρόνια τις κερκίδες της Φενέρ και ολόκληρης της Τουρκίας. Για χρόνια ολόκληρα οι σημαίες της Φενέρ και οι τουρκικές σημαίες ανέμισαν στα γήπεδα για να χαιρετίσουν το μεγάλο ελληνικό ποδοσφαιρικό ταλέντο της Κωνσταντινούπολης…
Τι ταλέντο! Οι Τούρκοι τον ονόμασαν «ο καθηγητής του ποδοσφαίρου». Γράφτηκαν ύμνοι για την τιμημένη φανέλα με αριθμό 10,την φανέλα του Λευτέρη. Η πετυχημένη και γεμάτη γκολ καριέρα στην Φενέρ συνοδεύτηκε με 46 παρουσίες και 22 γκολ στην εθνική ομάδα της Τουρκίας. Προς μεγάλη απογοήτευση των ελλήνων Φιλάθλων, ένα από αυτά βρήκε τα δίκτυα της ελληνικής εθνικής ομάδας. Λέγεται ότι ξεγέλασε τους Έλληνες ποδοσφαιριστές φωνάζοντας «αφήστε την μπάλα σε εμένα». Οι Έλληνες ξεγελάστηκαν. Και ο Λευτέρης υπήρξε ο πρώτος και μοναδικός ελληνικής καταγωγής Τούρκος ποδοσφαιριστής ο οποίος ανέμισε τα δίκτυα της εθνικής Ελλάδος…
Την θρυλική πορεία και τα μαγικά γκολ στην Φενέρ, ακολούθησε μια πετυχημένη πορεία σε ομάδες όπως η Fiorentina, Nice και ΑΕΚ. Το ταλέντο του επιθετικού άνοιξε τον δρόμο και για μια πετυχημένη πορεία προπονητή στο Αιγάλεω και στο Johanesburg της Νότιας Αφρικής…
Σήμερα ο 85χρονος Λευτέρης ζει στην Πρίγκιπο και αναμένει με μεγάλη αγωνία τον αγώνα της εκλεκτής του ομάδας, της Φενέρ, απέναντι στον ΠΑΟΚ της Θεσσαλονίκης. Πρόκειται για ένα παιχνίδι της μοίρας. Ένας θρύλος της Κωνσταντινούπολης αναμένει με την αγωνία ενός μικρού παιδιού, το ευρωπαϊκό ραντεβού των δυο ομάδων της βασιλεύουσας… Η ψυχή του είναι βαμμένη σε μπλε και κίτρινα χρώματα, στα χρώματα του τουρκικού ποδοσφαιρικού θρύλου, της Φενέρ. Όμως την ίδια στιγμή, ένα από τα μεγάλα ποδοσφαιρικά ταλέντα του 20ου αιώνα χαιρετά τους Θεσσαλονικιούς… Είθε στον επικείμενο αγώνα της Φενέρ με τον ΠΑΟΚ, νικητής να είναι η νοσταλγία για άλλες πολύ διαφορετικές εποχές… Άλλωστε οι λέξεις σοβινισμός και φανατισμός βρίσκουν αδιάφορο τον υιό του Έλληνα ψαρά της Κωνσταντινούπολης…
ΠΕΡΙΟΔΙΚΟ "Κ" 14-8-2010
Του Νίκου Στέλγια
Στις αρχές του 1925 η πρώην βασιλεύουσα μιας μεγάλης αυτοκρατορίας, η Πόλη των πόλεων, η Κωνσταντινούπολη έδινε μάχη για να προσαρμοστεί στις επιταγές των νέων εποχών. Λίγους μήνες πριν, στα μέσα του 1924, η νέα κυβέρνηση της δημοκρατίας, είχε προχωρήσει στην κατάργηση του χαλιφικού θεσμού. Η νέα δημοκρατία της Τουρκίας πραγματοποιούσε αποφασιστικά βήματα με σκοπό να εδραιώσει την κυριαρχία της στην γη της Μικρής Ασίας και της Ανατολής. Την περίοδο που η Κωνσταντινούπολη αποχαιρετούσε την αυτοκρατορική της δόξα, σε μια υποβαθμισμένη συνοικία της, ήρθε στον κόσμο ένα ελληνόπουλο. Πατέρας του βρέφους ήταν ένας Έλληνας ψαράς ο οποίος αψηφώντας τις κοινωνικές νόρμες ερωτεύτηκε κεραυνοβόλα μια Τουρκάλα. Αυτός ο κεραυνοβόλος έρωτας έφερε στον κόσμο δέκα παιδιά. Ένα από αυτά ήταν ο Λευτέρης, ο οποίος γεννήθηκε το 1925.
Την δεκαετία 30΄, ο εργένης Λευτέρης μεγάλωσε και ωρίμασε στην Κωνσταντινούπολη παρέα με την αγαπημένη του μπάλα. Το ποδόσφαιρο ήταν το αγαπημένο άθλημα του. Το περιβάλλον του παρατηρούσε με θαυμασμό το νέο ταλέντο να εξελίσσεται και να θριαμβέβει στην επίθεση των νεανικών ομάδων της Κωνσταντινούπολης.
Με βάση την μεγάλη αγάπη για το ποδόσφαιρο, σε πολύ νεαρή ηλικία, ο υιός του Έλληνα ψαρά και της Τουρκάλας, ξεκίνησε να αγωνίζεται σε κορυφαίες ποδοσφαιρικές ομάδες της Κωνσταντινούπολης. Πρώτος σημαντικός σταθμός υπήρξε η Τάξιμσπορ. Στην συνέχεια ήρθε η μεταγραφή στην φημισμένη ομάδα της Ανατολής, στην Ντιγιάρμπεκιρσπορ. Ενώ, το 1947 ήρθε η μεγάλη στιγμή για τον Λευτέρη και τους Τούρκους ποδοσφαιρόφιλους. Ο πρώην αυτοκρατορικός ποδοσφαιρικός όμιλος, το καμάρι του ποδοσφαίρου στην Μικρή Ασία, η Φενέρμπαχτσε άνοιξε της πύλες της και υποδέχθηκε τον Έλληνα Λευτέρη στην ποδοσφαιρική της ομάδα. Ακολούθησαν 615 ένδοξοι αγώνες. Με 423 γκολ ο Λευτέρης αναστάτωσε για 17 ολόκληρα χρόνια τις κερκίδες της Φενέρ και ολόκληρης της Τουρκίας. Για χρόνια ολόκληρα οι σημαίες της Φενέρ και οι τουρκικές σημαίες ανέμισαν στα γήπεδα για να χαιρετίσουν το μεγάλο ελληνικό ποδοσφαιρικό ταλέντο της Κωνσταντινούπολης…
Τι ταλέντο! Οι Τούρκοι τον ονόμασαν «ο καθηγητής του ποδοσφαίρου». Γράφτηκαν ύμνοι για την τιμημένη φανέλα με αριθμό 10,την φανέλα του Λευτέρη. Η πετυχημένη και γεμάτη γκολ καριέρα στην Φενέρ συνοδεύτηκε με 46 παρουσίες και 22 γκολ στην εθνική ομάδα της Τουρκίας. Προς μεγάλη απογοήτευση των ελλήνων Φιλάθλων, ένα από αυτά βρήκε τα δίκτυα της ελληνικής εθνικής ομάδας. Λέγεται ότι ξεγέλασε τους Έλληνες ποδοσφαιριστές φωνάζοντας «αφήστε την μπάλα σε εμένα». Οι Έλληνες ξεγελάστηκαν. Και ο Λευτέρης υπήρξε ο πρώτος και μοναδικός ελληνικής καταγωγής Τούρκος ποδοσφαιριστής ο οποίος ανέμισε τα δίκτυα της εθνικής Ελλάδος…
Την θρυλική πορεία και τα μαγικά γκολ στην Φενέρ, ακολούθησε μια πετυχημένη πορεία σε ομάδες όπως η Fiorentina, Nice και ΑΕΚ. Το ταλέντο του επιθετικού άνοιξε τον δρόμο και για μια πετυχημένη πορεία προπονητή στο Αιγάλεω και στο Johanesburg της Νότιας Αφρικής…
Σήμερα ο 85χρονος Λευτέρης ζει στην Πρίγκιπο και αναμένει με μεγάλη αγωνία τον αγώνα της εκλεκτής του ομάδας, της Φενέρ, απέναντι στον ΠΑΟΚ της Θεσσαλονίκης. Πρόκειται για ένα παιχνίδι της μοίρας. Ένας θρύλος της Κωνσταντινούπολης αναμένει με την αγωνία ενός μικρού παιδιού, το ευρωπαϊκό ραντεβού των δυο ομάδων της βασιλεύουσας… Η ψυχή του είναι βαμμένη σε μπλε και κίτρινα χρώματα, στα χρώματα του τουρκικού ποδοσφαιρικού θρύλου, της Φενέρ. Όμως την ίδια στιγμή, ένα από τα μεγάλα ποδοσφαιρικά ταλέντα του 20ου αιώνα χαιρετά τους Θεσσαλονικιούς… Είθε στον επικείμενο αγώνα της Φενέρ με τον ΠΑΟΚ, νικητής να είναι η νοσταλγία για άλλες πολύ διαφορετικές εποχές… Άλλωστε οι λέξεις σοβινισμός και φανατισμός βρίσκουν αδιάφορο τον υιό του Έλληνα ψαρά της Κωνσταντινούπολης…
Tuesday, August 10, 2010
Στα άδυτα μιας σκοτεινής πτυχής της Κυπριακής κοινωνικής πραγματικότητας
Στα άδυτα μιας σκοτεινής πτυχής της Κυπριακής κοινωνικής πραγματικότητας
Του Νίκου Στέλγια
Σε περίπτωση που αποφάσιζαν να μιλήσουν ελεύθερα, η σύγχρονη Κυπριακή ιστορία θα εμπλουτιζόταν με νέες, ζωντανές και πολύ ανθρώπινες μαρτυρίες. Είχαν να πουν πολλά.
Από μόνες τους, οι μαρτυρίες και οι εμπειρίες των δύο γυναικών ήταν αρκετές για να μας οδηγήσουν στα άδυτα μίας σκοτεινής πτυχής της κοινωνικής πραγματικότητας της Κύπρου. Εκείνες επέλεξαν να σωπάσουν, εκφράζοντας διάφορες φοβίες για τα αγαπημένα τους πρόσωπα. Περιορίστηκαν να μιλήσουν μέσα από τη σιωπή τους…
Στην περίπτωση των δύο γυναικών, η φυσική ομορφιά και οι εύστοχες κοινωνικές τοποθετήσεις μιλούν από μόνες τους. Τι και αν τα κοινωνικά περιθώρια εμποδίζουν έναν φιλικό διάλογο μαζί τους… Τα προφίλ των δύο γυναικών στο Διαδίκτυο είναι πλημμυρισμένα με φρέσκες ιδέες για το μέλλον αυτού του τόπου.
Η μία, είχε καταγωγή από τη Μόρφου. Σήμερα στα 22 χρόνια της είναι μητέρα ενός δίχρονου κοριτσιού. Ο πρώην σύντροφος της δεν αποδέχθηκε ποτέ το μικρό κοριτσάκι… Η άλλη, είναι έποικος με καταγωγή από την Αντιόχεια. Σε πολύ μικρή ηλικία -μόλις 16 ετών- το οικογενειακό της περιβάλλον την ανάγκασε να παντρευτεί έναν πλούσιο μεσήλικα Τουρκοκύπριο. Ο γάμος της, ο οποίος ήταν γεμάτος σωματική και ψυχική βία, τερματίσθηκε μέσα σε λίγους μήνες. Η οικογένεια της δεν θέλησε να την δεχθεί πίσω στην πατρίδα της. Και με αυτό τον τρόπο «καταδικάστηκε» να παραμείνει στα κατεχόμενα.
Η 22χρονη κοπέλα πέρασε τα τελευταία τέσσερα χρόνια της ζωής της ψάχνοντας μία έντιμη δουλειά. Έψαξε για εργασία σε ολόκληρο το νησί, στα κατεχόμενα και στις ελεύθερες περιοχές. Στις ελεύθερες περιοχές ένας Ελληνοκύπριος της προσέφερε εργασία για ένα μικρό διάστημα, το οποίο τερματίστηκε όταν ο εργοδότης θέλησε να εκμεταλλευτεί σεξουαλικά τη νεαρή γυναίκα. Αντιμέτωπη με την ανεργία, η νεαρή κοπέλα δοκίμασε την τύχη της σε ένα από τα λεγόμενα καζίνο. Εκεί γνωρίστηκε με την έποικο φίλη της. Μέσα σε σύντομο χρονικό διάστημα οι δύο γυναίκες συνδέθηκαν με δεσμά αμοιβαίας φιλίας.
Οι κοπέλες αρχικά εργάστηκαν σε διάφορες «υπηρεσίες» στο καζίνο. Όταν μετά από μερικούς μήνες, κάποιος κύριος εμφανίστηκε στο καζίνο έχοντας στην τσέπη του μια ανήθικη πρόταση, από κοινού, οι φίλες απάντησαν αρνητικά. Σε λίγες ημέρες το καζίνο διέκοψε τη συνεργασία τους. Για αρκετούς μήνες στη συνέχεια, οι γυναίκες και το νήπιο, αναγκάστηκαν να μοιραστούν το δωμάτιο ενός ετοιμόρροπου σπιτιού, το οποίο δεν τους πρόσφερε ούτε καν την ασφάλεια μιας στερεής στέγης ή την αναγκαία για την υγεία του παιδιού θέρμανση.
Ενώ το αδιέξοδο φαινόταν να κυκλώνει τις δύο γυναίκες, μία εξ αυτών πήρε την απόφαση να υποκύψει στην απονενοημένη πράξη. Είπε «ναι» στην ανήθικη πρόταση που τους είχε γίνει πριν από καιρό. Τότε ξεκίνησε μία νέα φάση στην ζωή της. Μία ζωή εγκλωβισμένη μέσα στα πλοκάμια της πορνείας της νήσου… Σύντομα, την ίδια πορεία ακολούθησε και η μητέρα του νηπίου. Έναν χρόνο μετά την έναρξη της νέας τους ζωής, το μόνο που κατάφεραν οι δύο γυναίκες ήταν η εξασφάλιση ενός μικρού προϋπολογισμού για τη συντήρηση της οροφής της κατοικίας τους…
Οι κοπέλες μοιράστηκαν μαζί μας τις παραπάνω πληροφορίες διά μέσου ηλεκτρονικής αλληλογραφίας. Γράφοντας το συγκεκριμένο άρθρο ζήτησα την άδεια τους για τη δημοσίευση των εν λόγω πληροφοριών. Είχαν την καλοσύνη να μην αρνηθούν. Παρόλα αυτά αρνήθηκαν ευγενικά να μοιραστούν τις εμπειρίες ζωής τους σε μια συνέντευξη. Εξέφρασαν τη λύπη τους για το γεγονός ότι «οι συνθήκες δεν τους επέτρεπαν» να ρίξουν φως σε μια σημαντική πτυχή της κυπριακής καθημερινότητας, την πορνεία. Και όμως είχαν να μας πουν πολλά… Σε περίπτωση που δεχόταν την πρόταση μας, θα μας μιλούσαν για το σύστημα που τροφοδοτεί την πορνεία και το οποίο δεν αναγνωρίζει την ύπαρξη διαχωριστικής γραμμής στην Κύπρο. Οι μαρτυρίες των δύο κοπελών θα έριχναν φως σε κρυφά ταξίδια Ελληνοκύπριων στα μονοπάτια της πορνείας, στην άλλη πλευρά…
Προτίμησαν να σωπάσουν… Για το καλό των αγαπημένων τους προσώπων… Σεβόμαστε την επιλογή τους. Όμως, την ίδια στιγμή μας λυπεί το γεγονός ότι μια σημαντική πτυχή της κυπριακής καθημερινότητας παραμένει εσκεμμένα στο σκοτάδι…
Οι ευχές μας είναι με τις δύο γυναίκες από την άλλη πλευρά της πράσινης γραμμής καθώς και με όλες τις γυναίκες που αναγκάζονται καθημερινά να υπερασπιστούν την αξιοπρέπεια και την ζωή τους, εγκλωβισμένες μέσα στα πλοκάμια της πορνείας σε τούτο το νησί… Η καρδιά μου χτυπά για το δίχρονο κοριτσάκι… Είθε να έχει ένα καλύτερο αύριο στη Γη και στην ζωή που της ανήκει, στην Κύπρο…
www.kathimerini.com.cy
Του Νίκου Στέλγια
Σε περίπτωση που αποφάσιζαν να μιλήσουν ελεύθερα, η σύγχρονη Κυπριακή ιστορία θα εμπλουτιζόταν με νέες, ζωντανές και πολύ ανθρώπινες μαρτυρίες. Είχαν να πουν πολλά.
Από μόνες τους, οι μαρτυρίες και οι εμπειρίες των δύο γυναικών ήταν αρκετές για να μας οδηγήσουν στα άδυτα μίας σκοτεινής πτυχής της κοινωνικής πραγματικότητας της Κύπρου. Εκείνες επέλεξαν να σωπάσουν, εκφράζοντας διάφορες φοβίες για τα αγαπημένα τους πρόσωπα. Περιορίστηκαν να μιλήσουν μέσα από τη σιωπή τους…
Στην περίπτωση των δύο γυναικών, η φυσική ομορφιά και οι εύστοχες κοινωνικές τοποθετήσεις μιλούν από μόνες τους. Τι και αν τα κοινωνικά περιθώρια εμποδίζουν έναν φιλικό διάλογο μαζί τους… Τα προφίλ των δύο γυναικών στο Διαδίκτυο είναι πλημμυρισμένα με φρέσκες ιδέες για το μέλλον αυτού του τόπου.
Η μία, είχε καταγωγή από τη Μόρφου. Σήμερα στα 22 χρόνια της είναι μητέρα ενός δίχρονου κοριτσιού. Ο πρώην σύντροφος της δεν αποδέχθηκε ποτέ το μικρό κοριτσάκι… Η άλλη, είναι έποικος με καταγωγή από την Αντιόχεια. Σε πολύ μικρή ηλικία -μόλις 16 ετών- το οικογενειακό της περιβάλλον την ανάγκασε να παντρευτεί έναν πλούσιο μεσήλικα Τουρκοκύπριο. Ο γάμος της, ο οποίος ήταν γεμάτος σωματική και ψυχική βία, τερματίσθηκε μέσα σε λίγους μήνες. Η οικογένεια της δεν θέλησε να την δεχθεί πίσω στην πατρίδα της. Και με αυτό τον τρόπο «καταδικάστηκε» να παραμείνει στα κατεχόμενα.
Η 22χρονη κοπέλα πέρασε τα τελευταία τέσσερα χρόνια της ζωής της ψάχνοντας μία έντιμη δουλειά. Έψαξε για εργασία σε ολόκληρο το νησί, στα κατεχόμενα και στις ελεύθερες περιοχές. Στις ελεύθερες περιοχές ένας Ελληνοκύπριος της προσέφερε εργασία για ένα μικρό διάστημα, το οποίο τερματίστηκε όταν ο εργοδότης θέλησε να εκμεταλλευτεί σεξουαλικά τη νεαρή γυναίκα. Αντιμέτωπη με την ανεργία, η νεαρή κοπέλα δοκίμασε την τύχη της σε ένα από τα λεγόμενα καζίνο. Εκεί γνωρίστηκε με την έποικο φίλη της. Μέσα σε σύντομο χρονικό διάστημα οι δύο γυναίκες συνδέθηκαν με δεσμά αμοιβαίας φιλίας.
Οι κοπέλες αρχικά εργάστηκαν σε διάφορες «υπηρεσίες» στο καζίνο. Όταν μετά από μερικούς μήνες, κάποιος κύριος εμφανίστηκε στο καζίνο έχοντας στην τσέπη του μια ανήθικη πρόταση, από κοινού, οι φίλες απάντησαν αρνητικά. Σε λίγες ημέρες το καζίνο διέκοψε τη συνεργασία τους. Για αρκετούς μήνες στη συνέχεια, οι γυναίκες και το νήπιο, αναγκάστηκαν να μοιραστούν το δωμάτιο ενός ετοιμόρροπου σπιτιού, το οποίο δεν τους πρόσφερε ούτε καν την ασφάλεια μιας στερεής στέγης ή την αναγκαία για την υγεία του παιδιού θέρμανση.
Ενώ το αδιέξοδο φαινόταν να κυκλώνει τις δύο γυναίκες, μία εξ αυτών πήρε την απόφαση να υποκύψει στην απονενοημένη πράξη. Είπε «ναι» στην ανήθικη πρόταση που τους είχε γίνει πριν από καιρό. Τότε ξεκίνησε μία νέα φάση στην ζωή της. Μία ζωή εγκλωβισμένη μέσα στα πλοκάμια της πορνείας της νήσου… Σύντομα, την ίδια πορεία ακολούθησε και η μητέρα του νηπίου. Έναν χρόνο μετά την έναρξη της νέας τους ζωής, το μόνο που κατάφεραν οι δύο γυναίκες ήταν η εξασφάλιση ενός μικρού προϋπολογισμού για τη συντήρηση της οροφής της κατοικίας τους…
Οι κοπέλες μοιράστηκαν μαζί μας τις παραπάνω πληροφορίες διά μέσου ηλεκτρονικής αλληλογραφίας. Γράφοντας το συγκεκριμένο άρθρο ζήτησα την άδεια τους για τη δημοσίευση των εν λόγω πληροφοριών. Είχαν την καλοσύνη να μην αρνηθούν. Παρόλα αυτά αρνήθηκαν ευγενικά να μοιραστούν τις εμπειρίες ζωής τους σε μια συνέντευξη. Εξέφρασαν τη λύπη τους για το γεγονός ότι «οι συνθήκες δεν τους επέτρεπαν» να ρίξουν φως σε μια σημαντική πτυχή της κυπριακής καθημερινότητας, την πορνεία. Και όμως είχαν να μας πουν πολλά… Σε περίπτωση που δεχόταν την πρόταση μας, θα μας μιλούσαν για το σύστημα που τροφοδοτεί την πορνεία και το οποίο δεν αναγνωρίζει την ύπαρξη διαχωριστικής γραμμής στην Κύπρο. Οι μαρτυρίες των δύο κοπελών θα έριχναν φως σε κρυφά ταξίδια Ελληνοκύπριων στα μονοπάτια της πορνείας, στην άλλη πλευρά…
Προτίμησαν να σωπάσουν… Για το καλό των αγαπημένων τους προσώπων… Σεβόμαστε την επιλογή τους. Όμως, την ίδια στιγμή μας λυπεί το γεγονός ότι μια σημαντική πτυχή της κυπριακής καθημερινότητας παραμένει εσκεμμένα στο σκοτάδι…
Οι ευχές μας είναι με τις δύο γυναίκες από την άλλη πλευρά της πράσινης γραμμής καθώς και με όλες τις γυναίκες που αναγκάζονται καθημερινά να υπερασπιστούν την αξιοπρέπεια και την ζωή τους, εγκλωβισμένες μέσα στα πλοκάμια της πορνείας σε τούτο το νησί… Η καρδιά μου χτυπά για το δίχρονο κοριτσάκι… Είθε να έχει ένα καλύτερο αύριο στη Γη και στην ζωή που της ανήκει, στην Κύπρο…
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Kıbrıs’ın gizli bir toplumsal gerçekliğinin derinliklerinde
Kıbrıs’ın gizli bir toplumsal gerçekliğinin derinliklerinde
Niko Stelya
Kathimerini 10.8.2010
Özgürce konuşabilseler modern Kıbrıs tarihine yeni, farklı bir perspektiften ışık tutacaklardı. Onların anlatacakları, bizimle paylaşacakları hayat hikayeleri Kıbrıs’ta gizli bir toplumsal gerçekliliği gün yüzüne çıkaracaktı. Ancak onlar susmayı yeğlediler. Konuşsalar belki de sevdikleri insanlar tehlikelere maruz kalacaklardı. Böylece sessizlik içinde konuşma(ma)yı yeğlediler …
Güzeller güzele iki kadın… Toplum olaylarına bakış açıları çok özel… Capcanlı fikirleri ve hülyalarıyla bu adada hayat var dedirtiyorlar insana…
Birinci bayanın memleketi Güzelyurt (Morfu). Bugün 22 yaşında ve iki yaşında bir kız annesi. Ufak kızın babası bir zamanlar aşık olduğu kadını ve kızını bugün görmezden geliyor. Diğer bayan Antakya göçmeni. 16 yaşında zorla orta halli ve orta yaşlarda bir Kıbrıslı Türk ile evlendirildi. Birkaç ay süren evliliği sırasında tarifi zor şiddete maruz kaldı. Ayrılık sonrası ailesi kendisinden bir daha Türkiye’ye ayak basmamasını istedi. Böylelikle Kıbrıs’ta hayata mecbur kılınmış oldu.
22 yaşındaki Güzelyurtlu bayan geçtiğimiz yıllarda iş arayıp durdu. Amacı insan şerefiyle küçük kızını yaşatabilmekti. Bir ara güney Kıbrıs’ta bir Kıbrıslı Rum’un işyerinde iş tuttu. Ancak iş sahibi vücudu ve ruhu üzerinde cinsel istismar ve şiddet uygulamak isteyince işinden ayrılıp kuzeyin yolunu tuttu. Orada bir süre işsizlikle boğuştu. Ve nihayetinde sözüm ola kazinoların bir tanesinde iş tuttu. Orada Antakyalı arkadaşıyla tanıştı. İki genç kadın kısa sürede çok iyi arkadaş oldular.
İki arkadaş ilk zamanlarda gazinonun çeşitli departmanlarında çalıştılar. Derken bir gün karşılarına korumalı ve büyük göbekli bir adam bir teklifle çıktı. Ona göre kolay para kazanmanın bir yolu vardı… Fuhuş… İki kadın bu teklifi görmezden geldi. Ve birkaç hafta sonra işyeriyle ilişkileri kesiliverdi. İki genç kadın ve ufak kız çocuğu evsiz barksız kalmışlardı. Sığınacakları döküntü halinde bir haneleri vardı sadece… Doğru dürüst çatısı bile olmayan… İşte o gecekondu evde ufak kız çocuğu sıkça hastalanır oldu...
Toplumsal çıkmaz genç ruhları esir almıştı. Antakyalı bayan fazla dayanamadı. Gidip o göbekli beyin teklifine boyun eğdi. Hayatında yeni bir sayfa açılıyordu. Fuhuş… Antakyalı arkadaşın yeni istikametini güzeller güzeli Güzelyurtlu genç anne izledi… Fuhuş sektöründe geçen bir senenin ardından ellerine geçen pek bir şey yok… Ufak bir bütçeyle o gecekondunun damını tamir ettirebildiler… Sadece o kadar…
İki genç kadın yukarıdaki bilgileri bizlerle email yoluyla paylaştılar. Bu makaleyi yazarken kendilerinden izin istemiştim. Sağ olsunlar, o elleri öpülesi kadınlar bizi kırmadı. Buna karşın geniş bir röportaj teklifimi saygı dolu sözlerle geri çevirdiler. ‘Bugünün şartları buna uygun değil’ idi cevapları… Oysa bizimle paylaşacakları o kadar çok şey vardı ki… Kıbrıs’ta yeşil hat ve ulus – devlet çizgilerini önemsemeyen, onlarla adeta dalga geçen fuhuş tezgah pazarları, cinsel tatmini Kıbrıs’ın kuzeyinde arayan Kıbrıslı Rum aile babaları… Vs… Vs…
Onlar susmayı yeğledi. Aileleri için korkuları vardı. Seçimlerine sonsuz saygı duyuyoruz. Ne var ki suskun kalmaları Kıbrıs’ın bir gerçekliğine ilişkin bilinçli karartmanın devamı anlamına geldi… Bizi esasında üzen nokta bu…
Bizim dualarımız yeşil hattın diğer tarafında yaşam mücadelesi veren o şerefli Anadolu anneleriyle. Kıbrıs’ın fuhuş batağındaki mücadelelerinde onlar artık yalnız değil.
Benim kalbim o iki yaşındaki Kıbrıslı güzel için çarpıyor… O benim ve sizin kızınız. Hz. İsa’dan ve Hz. Muhammed’den bir kereliğine bir dileğim olsun: O kız kendisine ait olan bu topraklarda ve bu hayatta büyüsün ve mutlu olsun… O kız Kıbrıs’ta hayatın tadını çıkarsın…
Niko Stelya
Kathimerini 10.8.2010
Özgürce konuşabilseler modern Kıbrıs tarihine yeni, farklı bir perspektiften ışık tutacaklardı. Onların anlatacakları, bizimle paylaşacakları hayat hikayeleri Kıbrıs’ta gizli bir toplumsal gerçekliliği gün yüzüne çıkaracaktı. Ancak onlar susmayı yeğlediler. Konuşsalar belki de sevdikleri insanlar tehlikelere maruz kalacaklardı. Böylece sessizlik içinde konuşma(ma)yı yeğlediler …
Güzeller güzele iki kadın… Toplum olaylarına bakış açıları çok özel… Capcanlı fikirleri ve hülyalarıyla bu adada hayat var dedirtiyorlar insana…
Birinci bayanın memleketi Güzelyurt (Morfu). Bugün 22 yaşında ve iki yaşında bir kız annesi. Ufak kızın babası bir zamanlar aşık olduğu kadını ve kızını bugün görmezden geliyor. Diğer bayan Antakya göçmeni. 16 yaşında zorla orta halli ve orta yaşlarda bir Kıbrıslı Türk ile evlendirildi. Birkaç ay süren evliliği sırasında tarifi zor şiddete maruz kaldı. Ayrılık sonrası ailesi kendisinden bir daha Türkiye’ye ayak basmamasını istedi. Böylelikle Kıbrıs’ta hayata mecbur kılınmış oldu.
22 yaşındaki Güzelyurtlu bayan geçtiğimiz yıllarda iş arayıp durdu. Amacı insan şerefiyle küçük kızını yaşatabilmekti. Bir ara güney Kıbrıs’ta bir Kıbrıslı Rum’un işyerinde iş tuttu. Ancak iş sahibi vücudu ve ruhu üzerinde cinsel istismar ve şiddet uygulamak isteyince işinden ayrılıp kuzeyin yolunu tuttu. Orada bir süre işsizlikle boğuştu. Ve nihayetinde sözüm ola kazinoların bir tanesinde iş tuttu. Orada Antakyalı arkadaşıyla tanıştı. İki genç kadın kısa sürede çok iyi arkadaş oldular.
İki arkadaş ilk zamanlarda gazinonun çeşitli departmanlarında çalıştılar. Derken bir gün karşılarına korumalı ve büyük göbekli bir adam bir teklifle çıktı. Ona göre kolay para kazanmanın bir yolu vardı… Fuhuş… İki kadın bu teklifi görmezden geldi. Ve birkaç hafta sonra işyeriyle ilişkileri kesiliverdi. İki genç kadın ve ufak kız çocuğu evsiz barksız kalmışlardı. Sığınacakları döküntü halinde bir haneleri vardı sadece… Doğru dürüst çatısı bile olmayan… İşte o gecekondu evde ufak kız çocuğu sıkça hastalanır oldu...
Toplumsal çıkmaz genç ruhları esir almıştı. Antakyalı bayan fazla dayanamadı. Gidip o göbekli beyin teklifine boyun eğdi. Hayatında yeni bir sayfa açılıyordu. Fuhuş… Antakyalı arkadaşın yeni istikametini güzeller güzeli Güzelyurtlu genç anne izledi… Fuhuş sektöründe geçen bir senenin ardından ellerine geçen pek bir şey yok… Ufak bir bütçeyle o gecekondunun damını tamir ettirebildiler… Sadece o kadar…
İki genç kadın yukarıdaki bilgileri bizlerle email yoluyla paylaştılar. Bu makaleyi yazarken kendilerinden izin istemiştim. Sağ olsunlar, o elleri öpülesi kadınlar bizi kırmadı. Buna karşın geniş bir röportaj teklifimi saygı dolu sözlerle geri çevirdiler. ‘Bugünün şartları buna uygun değil’ idi cevapları… Oysa bizimle paylaşacakları o kadar çok şey vardı ki… Kıbrıs’ta yeşil hat ve ulus – devlet çizgilerini önemsemeyen, onlarla adeta dalga geçen fuhuş tezgah pazarları, cinsel tatmini Kıbrıs’ın kuzeyinde arayan Kıbrıslı Rum aile babaları… Vs… Vs…
Onlar susmayı yeğledi. Aileleri için korkuları vardı. Seçimlerine sonsuz saygı duyuyoruz. Ne var ki suskun kalmaları Kıbrıs’ın bir gerçekliğine ilişkin bilinçli karartmanın devamı anlamına geldi… Bizi esasında üzen nokta bu…
Bizim dualarımız yeşil hattın diğer tarafında yaşam mücadelesi veren o şerefli Anadolu anneleriyle. Kıbrıs’ın fuhuş batağındaki mücadelelerinde onlar artık yalnız değil.
Benim kalbim o iki yaşındaki Kıbrıslı güzel için çarpıyor… O benim ve sizin kızınız. Hz. İsa’dan ve Hz. Muhammed’den bir kereliğine bir dileğim olsun: O kız kendisine ait olan bu topraklarda ve bu hayatta büyüsün ve mutlu olsun… O kız Kıbrıs’ta hayatın tadını çıkarsın…
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